Gifts in the Age of Empire: Ottoman-Safavid Cultural Exchange, 1500–1639 - 2

ber gönderirlerdi. “Senin gibi nā- merde destār u miğfer yerine bunlar lāyıkdır” diyū muhannesliğini tasrīh kılurlardı ve gāh “Sen bir sofī- zādesin. Taht-gāh- ı saltanata lāyık bir fürū- māye üftādesin. Sana münāsib olan bunlardur” diyū hırka, ʾabā ve şāl ve misvāk ve ʾasā gönderüb, ‘Sana zāviye- nişīn olmak münāsibdir’ diyū bildirirlerdi. Mustafa ʾĀlī, Künhü’l-Aḫbār, 2: 1091; . . . ʾibret- engīz nāmeler ve ṣūfī-b eçeye ḫırḳaʾ-yı yeşmīn ile zāviye- nişīn olmaḳ layıḳ idügin iʾlām içün ʾaṣā ve ʾabādan cāmeler gönderdiler. Hoca Sadüddin, Tācü’t- Tevāriḫ 2: 251, 252. Also mentioned in Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi, 2: 250–51; Falsafī, “Jang-i Chāldirān,” 84, mentions additionally a rosary and a beggar’s bowl (tasbiḥ va kashkūl); Vilāyatī, Tārīkh- i ravābiṭ- i khārijī-yi Īrān dar ʾahd- i Shāh Ismāʾīl Ṣafavī, 159; Emecen, Yavuz Sultan Selim.

• 97.    sürḫa- ser melʾūnı defʾ idem tamam. Şükrī-i Bitlisī, Selīm-Nāme, 186, mentioned in Emecen, Yavuz Sultan Selim, 136–39. See also Mustafa ʾĀlī, Künhü’l-Aḫbār, 2: 1109; Navāʿī, Shāh Ismaʾīl Ṣafavī, 140–41.

• 98.    Contacts between the two courts after Chaldiran and Ismaʾil’s embassies to Selim at that time are discussed in detail in Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, esp. 73–127.

• 99.    Hoca Sadüddin, Tācü’t- Tevāriḫ 2: 274–75; Mustafa ʾĀlī, Künhü’l-Aḫbār, 2:

1103–5. For a more detailed discussion of this embassy and on Abdalvahhab, see Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, 75–87. While court intellectuals debated the legitimacy of wars on Muslims, the Ottoman military additionally had practical concerns and objections to another attack on Safavid Iran both because of the casualties at Chaldiran and because Ismaʾil effectively announced that he was accumulating weapons, which he lacked before. See, for example, Sanudo, Diarii, 25: 592–93. For Ismaʾil’s military reforms, see Matthee, “Firearms”; Matthee, “Unwalled Cities and Restless Nomads.”

• 100.    A copy of this letter in Persian is given in Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 1: 364–66. It has been transliterated, translated into French, and discussed in Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, 90–104.

• 101.    una centura d’oro con zoje e uno libro con li Evanzelii soi di la fede, con la coperta di zoje, si stima valuta ducati 100 milia. Sanudo, Diarii, 21: 456, 408.

• 102.    See Tanındı, “Safavid Bookbinding,” 168–72.

• 103.    hediyehā-yı cüzī. Hoca Sadüddin, Tācü’t- Tevāriḫ, 2: 288; una sella d’oro e altri presenti molto richi. Sanudo, Diarii, 19: 440.

• 104.    ḫüdāvendigāra ve anasına ve Sinān Paşa ile Yūnus Paşaya ḥayatda ṣanub ümīd- i ṣulḥ i içün müstaḳil mektūblar ve tuḥfeler ve hediyyeler göndermiş ḫüdāven-digāra ḫod bi- misl ü nażīr tuḥfeler ve bī- mānend fīrūzeler ve incüler ve kitāblar ve lāciverd irsal eylemiş. Haydar Çelebi, Rūznāme, 1: 444.

• 105.    Cited in Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, 227–28. Most available sources on this embassy are cited there, 210–34.

• 106.    One of the first things Süleyman did was to release Iranian merchants that his father had imprisoned to resume commercial activity. Indeed, Ismaʾil had appealed to Selim after Chaldiran, asking him to allow travelers and merchants to move freely between the two countries. See Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s-selāṭīn, 1: 364–66; Sümer, Safevî Devleti’nin Kuruluşu, 40.

• 107.    Asrar, Kanunî Sultan Süleyman Devrinde, 111–12.

• 108.    Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 1: 473–74. The ambassador, as mentioned also in the letter, was a respectable religious scholar, Tāj al-Dīn Ḥasan Khalīfa, the former sadr of the province of Khurasan. Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 57. The embassy is said to have been composed of over five hundred people on horseback. Sanudo, Diarii, 35: 258.

• 109.    Bostān Çelebi, Tāriḫ- i Sulṭān Süleymān, Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex 8626 (hereafter Cod. 8626), H.O. 42a, 82r–82v; Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, 369.

• 110.    The Venetian ambassador Piero Zen’s report, though not fully copied, confirms this: haveano presentà li presenti, videlicet uno cavallo con fornimenti bellissimo, con zoie, veste d’oro et Sanudo, Diarii, 35: 326.

• 111.    Both letters have been fully transcribed and translated into French in Bacqué-Grammont, Les Ottomans, Les Safavides, 370–76; Ismaʾil’s letter is discussed in Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 57–58. Bacqué-Grammont rightly suggests that the letters fail to provide a full picture of the true negotiation and each ruler’s attitude toward the other.

• 112.    el qual portava al Signor una simitara disfidandolo a la guerra. Sanudo, Diarii, 35, 258.

• 113.    Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power, 245.

Chapter Two

• 1.    Thackston, Album Prefaces, 16. Discussed and analyzed in Roxburgh, “On the Brink of Tragedy”; Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 152; Canby, Princes, Poets and Paladins, 48. Stuart Cary Welch, who identified the then-lost Tahmasp Shahnama by recognizing “The Court of Gayumars” in the book, wrote that it “may well be the greatest of all Iranian paintings.” “The Most Beautiful Book in the World?,” 46. It has recently been described by Sheila Blair as “the finest Persian painting ever produced” in “Reading a Painting,” 525. For a compelling view against describing Persianate painting as merely “beautiful” or “exquisite,” see Roxburgh, “Micro-graphia,” 16.

• 2.    Canby, Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp, 15–16. All of the manuscript’s paintings are reproduced in color therein with a bibliography. The most detailed study of the manuscript remains Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, who suggested that many artists, painters, calligraphers, illuminators, binders, gold sprinklers, margin rulers, and paper burnishers must have collaborated to make it. See also Welch, “Most Beautiful Book”; Welch, A King’s Book of Kings; Welch, “The Shāhnāmeh of Shah Tahmasp,” 68–93; Canby, “Safavid Painting,” 80–103.

• 3.    https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2011/c-welch-part -ii-l11227/lot.78.html?locale=en and https://www.christies.com/lot/lot-6361844 /?intObjectID=6361844.

• 4.    After its presentation to the Ottoman sultan in 1568, it was housed for several centuries in the Topkapı Palace in Istanbul. In the beginning of the nineteenth century it was removed under unknown circumstances and its contents were dispersed later, starting in the 1970s. For a brief history of the manuscript after 1903, when it reappeared in Paris, see Blair, Reading a Painting, 533–34.

• 5.    J. L. Austin’s theory of “speech acts,” which lay the foundation for performance studies, as well as Mikhail Bakhtin’s engagement with and expansion of the concept through a model that empowers the audience of a speech act inform my approach here. See Austin, How to Do Things, and Bakhtin, Dialogic Imagination.

• 6.    Topkapı Palace Museum Library (hereafter TSMK), H. 1339, 247b. A facsimile has been published as Feridun Ahmed Beg, Nüzhet- i Esrârü’l-Ahyâr, eds. Arslantürk and Börekçi. On this manuscript, also known as Nüzhetü’l- esrārü’l-aḫbār der Sefer- i Sīgetvār, see Fetvacı, Picturing History, 108–22, for a discussion of the book’s patronage, especially its strong ties to the grand vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha.

• 7.    TSMK, A. 3595. Karatay, Farsça Yazmalar Kataloğu, 273; Çağman, “Şehname-i Selim Han ve Minyatürleri”; Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 121–23; Fetvacı, “Şehnāme-i Selīm Ḫān.”

• 8.    Roxburgh, The Persian Album, 317; see also Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 270, who note that “the most costly of all the gifts were two books.”

• 9.    vilāyet- i ʾAcemde olan sipāhīden ve reʾāyādan cümlesi kāfirlerdür. Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 319.

• 10.    Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 320.

• 11.    For the systematic integration of Sunni orthodoxy into Ottoman state identity and its relationship to state-sponsored architecture, including the legal enforcement of Friday prayers, Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 47–70.

• 12.    Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 191.

• 13.    Süleymaniye was the first to include the names of Hasan and Husain in its eight monumental roundels, in addition to Allah, Muhammad, and the Sunni caliphs (Abu Bakr, ʾUmar, ʾUthman, ʾAli). Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 191.

• 14.    Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs, and Messiahs, 295–348; Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces, 47, 57; Newman, Safavid Iran, 26–29.

• 15.    Necipoğlu, “Qurʿanic Inscriptions,” 83; Necipoğlu, “Early Modern Floral,” 136.

• 16.    Quoted in Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 69. For the institutionalization of Twelver Shiʾism under Shah Tahmasp, see also Arjomand, Shadow of God; Arjo-mand, “Two Decrees of Shah Tahmasp”; Newman, “Myth of the Clerical Migration”; Stanfield-Johnson, “Sunni Survival”; Stewart, “Notes on the Migration”; Abisaab, Converting Persia.

• 17.    Shah Tahmasp ordered a new edition of the Ṣafvat al- Ṣafā, a fourteenthcentury hagiography of the order’s founder Shaikh Ṣafī al-Dīn Abu’l-Fath Isḥaq Ardabīlī. This version corrected, according to Michel Mazzaoui, Ṣafī al-Dīn’s “genealogy (nasab) and religious affiliation (madhhab).” See Mazzaoui, “A ‘New’ Edition of the Ṣafvat al-ṣafā.”

• 18.    The sultan also threatened to attack the center of the Safavid order at Ard-abil. Kırzıoğlu, Kafkas-Elleri, 210–38; Solak-zāde, Tarih, 2: 225–44; Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 1: 124–31; Ḥasan Beg Rūmlū, Aḥsanu’t- Tawārīkh, 2: 161–68.

• 19.    Quoted in Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 81.

• 20.    Atçıl, “Safavid Threat,” 307.

• 21.    References to Tahmasp’s letter are from Mitchell, who discusses and contextualizes it in Practice of Politics, 81–88. For negotiations, see Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 1: 130; Kırzıoğlu, Kafkas-Elleri, 238–39; Kılıç, Osmanlı-Iran, 70. For the treaty, see also see Diyanet, Ilk Osmanlı-Iran Anlaşması; Şahin, Empire and Power, 131–39.

• 22.    Petritsch, “Der Habsburgisch-Osmanische”; Tracy, “Habsburg Monarchy in Conflict.”

• 23.    Yılmaz, “Koca Nişancı of Kanuni,” 144.

• 24.    Cited in Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 67. My discussion of the letter relies on Necipoğlu’s excellent analysis and interpretation. For the inauguration ceremonies of Ottoman mosques, see Rüstem, “Spectacle of Legitimacy.”

• 25.    Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 67. Mitchell has also summarized and discussed the letter in Practice of Politics, 113–15.

• 26.    Ḥasan Beg Rūmlū explains: “The Shah sent Shah Quli Sultan Ustajlu with gifts and a letter seventy cubits long to congratulate the sultan and to confirm peace.” Ḥasan Beg Rūmlū, Aḥsanu’t- Tawārīkh, 2: 191. Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī gives a similar account in his Khulāsat al- tavārīkh [Summary of histories, 1590–91], 1: 478.

• 27.    A member of the elite corps of officers at the Ottoman court (müteferriḳa), Mehmed Agha was previously sent to Persia to announce Sultan Süleyman’s death and Selim’s accession to the throne. TSMK, H. 1339, 210b. Tahmasp then appointed Shah Quli, the powerful governor of Yerevan (now Armenia) and Nakhichevan (now Azerbaijan), as his ambassador. Ottoman historian Selaniki confirms Shah Quli’s prominent position: “Shah Quli was famed for his dignified oratory and because of his distinguished eloquence he was appointed ambassador.” Şah-Kulı dahi kızılbaş içinde sözi bellü kişi ve cangu ādemīsi olup yahşi söz bilmek ile meşhūr ve

müteʾayyen sühandān olmağla ilçilik hidmetine taʾyīn olunmış olup. Selānikī Mustafa Efendi, Tarih, 1: 70.

• 28.    Letters were dispatched to governors on route with orders to direct the embassy to Edirne, and to display utmost respect and hospitality. TSMK, H. 1339, 208b–209a.

• 29.    Ma con tutto cìo questa pompa venendo appresso all’essercito ad Arsrum tutti li Persiani si stupirno a veder la bella ordinanza delli Ottomani. The letter was written by a messenger (chiaus, çavuş in Turkish), which was somehow obtained by Marc’Antonio Pigafetta, who gives it in Italian translation in Itinerario da Vienna a Costantinopoli, 230–31.

• 30.    Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 230.

• 31.    Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 230. For the pearls and the unit of measurement given here, see Potts, “Pearls, ii. Islamic Period.”

• 32.    hürmet ü riʾāyetlerinde ihtimām u ikdāmda dakīka fevt olunmayup, memleket- i Osmāniyye ne vechile maʾmūr u ābādān olup ve envāʾ- ı niʾam- ı bī-pāyān ile muğtenim u mütenaʾim, haşmet ü şevket- i şehenşāhī her yerde ferāvān ve leşker- i dilāverān- ı kārzār- ı bī-şümārı müşāhede ederek. Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 67, 68. The governor of Erzurum, Ali Pasha, also wrote to the sultan to give news of the ambassador’s arrival “with grandeur, numerous men, and great presents” (ʾaẓametle, vāfir ādemle ve ʾaẓīm pişkeşle). TSMK, H. 1339, 211a.

• 33.    The question of how to prepare the city was posed to the sultan by the city’s superintendent Piyale Pasha: risālet ṭarīḳiyle biñ nefere ḳarīb ādemle ve ʾaẓīm pişkeşlerle geliyorlar. Dārü’s- salṭanatü’l- maḳbūl maḥmiye- i Istanbul’a duḫulları ḳarībdür. Istiḳbāl bābında ve riʾāyet ādabında ne vechile tedārik olunmaḳ gerekdür diyū südde- i saʾādete ʾarż ü iʾlām iylemişler. TSMK, H. 1339, 211b.

• 34.    “When the envoy reaches the other side [of the strait], between Üsküdar and Gebze, the village of Kartal, summon all of the naval commanders, captains, and the marines. They should be dressed up, according to custom, in their uniforms and be equipped in their weapons and armature. Other than these, the corps of the armorers (cebeci) and artillery (topçu) should likewise be clothed in their designated garments and embellished in their war equipment and arms of combat. The combination of these three squadrons of foot soldiers should number approximately several thousand people. Early in the morning that day, all of these soldiers should be properly prepared and organized, and proceed, with their chiefs and commanders, to meet the envoy to lead him (öñünce yürüyeler). Other than this, decorate many ships, that is, imperial galleys (ḫaṣṣa ḳadırgalar), and assign in each a gunman (tüfenkçi), a guardsman (ḥarbeci), and an archer (tīrendaz.) In due order, every bench in every galley should be adorned. In every gallery, place as many cannons (ṭop ve bocoloşḳolar) as possible. Also, gather however many janissaries are present in the city of Istanbul and have them, according to custom, gather their firearms and be prepared, adorned (mücemmel) and armed (müsellāh), ordered alongside their chiefs at the landing station.” TSMK, H. 1339, 212b.

• 35.    Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 69. The ambassador and his immediate retinue were settled at the Hançerlü Sultan Sarayı, a waterfront palace near the Hippodrome.

• 36.    For these mandatory urban excursions to show Ottoman congregational mosques off to the Safavids, see Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 67–68.

• 37.    TSMK, H. 1339, 250b.

• 38.    TSMK, H. 1339, 213a, 213b. At the remarkable sight of the Ottoman army,

notes Selaniki, Şemsi Ahmed Pasha brought up the Ottoman definitive victory over the Safavids decades before, following which Shah Ismaʾil’s wife was taken captive: “Yes, it was these same soldiers who brought the bride from Chaldiran!” Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 67.

• 39.    Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, 6: 319. The Venetian bailo (resident ambassador and consul of the Venetian State) Giacomo Soranzo’s previously unknown report on the embassy, including a detailed list of Tahmasp’s gifts for Selim II is important: Archivio di Stato di Venezia (hereafter ASVe), Senato, Dispacci degli Ambasciatori Constantinopoli (hereafter Dispacci Con-stantinopoli), Filza 2, 512a–515b. The Safavid ambassador was curious to know who the foreigners were, recounts Feridun Ahmed Beg: “Consequently, speaking of the aforementioned infidel envoys, the [Safavid] envoys said, ‘What amazingly luminous and magnificent people they are!’ What ill-bred enemies these are that attribute to the infidels, who are in essential error and disbelief, luminosity. The absurd manners of these people are clear to me and there is sufficient proof that their figure is well-known and agreed-upon. Nevertheless, whereas the appearance and character of these lowly redheads (ḳızılbāş) is evidently wicked, there are so many individuals who befriend these people, respect and sympathize with them; even in certain matters prefer them. May God protect us! These sorts of people are worse than them. Blessings of the sultan for those ungrateful people are illegitimate.”

• 40....de quali favori non se ne fà pur uno a qual si voglie amb.^r de principe X.^no . . . ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 512a. See also Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 71.

• 41.    Other formal visits to lower-ranking viziers followed, in which Shah Quli presented them similar assortments of gifts, fewer in number: oltra che tutte le preditte cose erano piu ricche una belliss[im]a fodra de Zebelini doppò mandò esso Amb[asciato]r à parte un’altro presente fatto da lui particolarm[en]te de tapedi, spade, et altre cose d’azemia. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 513; kāʾide- i kadīme üzre diyār- ı Şark tuhafından vükelā- i saltanata ibrişim kaliçe- i Hemedān ü Dergezīn ve tekye- i nemed- i Cām ve kütüb- i nefīse- i aʾlā herbirine çekilüp. Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 72; l’ambassadeur offrit au grand- vizir et aux autres vizirs un choix des productions naturelles et industrielles de son pays: des tapis de soie de Hamadan et de Derghezin, des bonnets de Ghadjan, du savon d’Ardjan, des tabliers de Meh-rouyan, des tapis de Darabdjerd, des housses de Djehrem, de la momie de Nirin, des étoffes légères de soie d’Yezt, d’autres plus fortes de Koum, des vêtemens de Bésa, et des lames de sabre de Schiraz. Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire, 6: 323. Hammer-Purgstall’s account is based on a letter written in Italian, which is a translation of a report by an attendant in the ambassador’s retinue. He does not provide full citation for the letter.

• 42.    Il giorno dietro, presentati li passà, egli stesso poi andò a visitarli, dove nell’an-dare gl’intravenne un caso st[r]ano. Un giamoglano (mentre l’ambasciatore s’era inviato per andare a visitar Mahometto per lo primo), se gli fece incontro e gi sparò un’archibugiata per ammazzarlo, ma non lo colse, ma fu colto in vece sua, legiermente però, un gentiluomo principal suo, in un braccio. Il Persiano spaventatosi, credendo di esser tradito, voltò il cavallo per ritornarsene all’alloggiamento. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 234. giamoglano refers to acemi oğlan in Turkish. Literally meaning inexperienced youth, they were soldiers being trained to later join higher ranks within the janissaries, the Ottoman elite soldiers.

• 43.    et di subito fu fatta grandiss[im]a diligentia trovar quello che havea fatta la bota ma non si trovando et puolendo pur il mag[nifi]co Bassà metter terror al populo, et insieme dimostrar di tener conto del Amb[asciato]r fece di subito cavar di prigione un condannato alla morte, et fattolo strasinar per la città lo fecero morir credandosele avasse che era quello ch’havea sparata la preditta archibusata. ASVe, Senato, Dis-pacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 512a–512b. A suitable criminal is quickly chosen, in Pigafetta’s account, as promised, and brought before Sokollu and Shah Quli.

• 44.    Il giamoglano senza turbarsi rispose che ciò per altro egli non avea fatto, che per esser quello ambasciatore un eretico, e mandato da un re eretico, e inimico delli lor santi, e che perciò non era conveniente che venisse a far pace col suo Signore, e che di quella non ne era degno. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 244.

• 45.    Il che udito dal passà, fu condannato il giorno dietro ad esser strassinato per la città a coda di cavallo, e tagliatali una mano, esser decapitato. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 244.

• 46.    This section is written in cipher on folio 512b. A decipherment is given in the next folio, by a different hand: Ma non per cio resta, et ch l’Amb[asciato]r et tutti li soi non siano malissimo veduti da tutta il populo esplorandoli il tradimento fatto à Sultan baiesit ma all’incontro il S[erenissi]mo Sig[no]r memore del beneficio havuto ogni di commanda, che siano piu honorati, et accanzzati. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 513a.

• 47.    Archivio di Stato di Mantova, AG, b. 1500, f. I, cc 121–123, reproduced in Sogliani, Le Collezioni Gonzaga, 112–13; Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Medici 3080, 43b–44a; E il re di Persia ha mandato tutte l’armature di Soltan Baiazith, con li suoi camelli tutti, e anco tuta l’altra roba; Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 230.

• 48.    Quoted in Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 270.

• 49.    TSMK, H. 1339, 245b.

• 50.    L’ambasciatore veniva onorissimamente accompagnato così da Turchi, come da suoi gentiluomini. Andavano innanzi, oltra molti altri, in bella ordinanza, una pomposa cavalleria de spahi e chiaussi e altri cortigiani tutti bene a cavallo, e riccamente vestiti, molti con vesti di broccato d’oro, e di veluto, e altri con damaschi, e altri sorti di sete. Dietro a costoro poi venivano da trenta persiani a cavallo, vestiti alla persiana con vesti tessute di vari colori di lana, e altre di vari pezzetti di ormesini e taffetà di diversi colori, facendone minutissime figure d’uomini e donne, di cavalli, e d’altri animali, e altre vesti fatte a foggioni. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna a Costan-tinopoli, 246.

• 51.... e nella fine di questi veniva solo l’ambasciatore, egli e il cavallo pompo-

sissimamente addobato. Aveva di sopra una vesta di velluto cremesino, ma con altri colori mischiata. La sella e le redine e la testiera del cavallo nei debiti luoghi erano tutte lavorate di gioie, e quel drappo medesimamente che usano così essi, come i Torchi e gli Ungari di porre per ornamento sopra la groppa del cavallo era tutto riccamato di turchine. Quel corno, che avanza di sopra dal turbante dei persiani più d’un palmo e mezo, da turchi chiamato metevenchia, era tutto lavorato d’oro e di diverse sorti di gemme. A slightly different version of the movement of the Safavid ambassador is also given in Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, 6: 323–24.

• 52.    Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, 6: 323–24.

• 53.    Ve ne erano ancora alcuni con vesti di broccato d’oro, ma non così bello, come il turchesco, e qualchedun altro con vesti di velluto, e pochissimi con vesti di panno, perché di questo e di quello, anchorché abondino e di seta e di lana, non ve ne hanno,

se non lo pigliano da Portoghesi che trafficcano a quelle parti per lo Golfo Persico. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 246.

• 54.    Cited in Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power, 68.

• 55.    TSMK, H. 1339, 246b.

• 56.    Sources emphasize the turban’s reference to Twelver Shiʾism, some stating that the turban was folded twelve times around the red baton, and others saying that the baton itself was divided into twelve sections. For visual representations of the Safavid headgear throughout the sixteenth century, and its transformation during the reign of Shah ʾAbbas, see Schmitz, “On a Special Hat.”

• 57.    va badīn taqrīb sa jild muṣḥaf- i aʾlā ki aḥsan- i tuḥaf u hadāyā va nisbat- i bidān aʾlā binā az tuḥaf- i dīgar ansab va avvalī ast ihdā va irsāl raft. Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 1: 527.

• 58.    Fetvacı suggests that these lines might have been purposefully aligned to appear on this image. “Şehnāme-i Selīm Ḫān,” 280.

• 59.    un Alcorano con l’autorità sola d’Alì, secondo essi tengono e cìo è di costume loro sempre rappresentargliene uno. Aveva le coperte riccamate d’oro. Pigafetta, Itinerario da Vienna, 245. To my knowledge, this is the only contemporary observer who attributes the Qurʿan to ʾAli.

• 60.    This Qurʿan fragment, currently in a private collection, was on view at the exhibition Gifts of the Sultan held at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art in 2011. See Komaroff, Gifts of the Sultan, 18–19, 261 (cat. 148). It was previously sold in 1992 at auction. See Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs and Carpets London 20 October 1992 Christie’s, lot 232, 94–97.

• 61.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 515a.

• 62.    Mashhad, Astan-i Quds, no. 6. Written on parchment, the manuscript has fifteen lines per page. For other copies attributed to Imam ʾAli, see Farhad and Rettig, The Art of the Qur’an, 35, 65–66, cat. 11; Canby, Shah ʾAbbas, cat. 94–95; Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 15, 127.

• 63.    Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 102.

• 64.    See comments of Roxburgh, Persian Album, 317, mentioned previously above. Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 90–91, 131–32, 155, 171; Thackston, Album Prefaces, 11.

• 65.    Cited in Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 170–71; Thackston, Album Prefaces, 11.

• 66.    Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 90.

• 67.    Qāżī Aḥmad, Calligraphers and Painters, 53–54, 107; Thackston, Album Prefaces, 7. See also Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image 131, 188.

• 68.    Şāh Tahmāsbuñ kendü adına dinilmiş ikiyüz elliṭokuz yirde taṣvīr- i meclis olunmuş muraṣṣaʾ cildle bir ḳıṭʾa şāhnāme. TSMK, H. 1339, 246b. Other authors highlight the importance of the book by mentioning it immediately after the Qurʿan. In Giacomo Soranzo’s list, this gift appears as a “book of the form, which must be letters, of the kind one prince sends another, with all pages in gilded calligraphy and illustrated with 259 figures.” 1 libro della forma, che deveno essere le lettere, che un Princ[ipe] manda all’altro co[n] le carte tutte miniate d’oro con 259 figure. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 515a; Pigafetta lists it as a “book of history.” The manuscript had 258 paintings, one fewer than what contemporary sources indicate. This might be a scribal error, as Dickson and Welch have noted. Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 271.

• 69.    For example, see the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s online essay on the manuscript: Leoni, “The Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp”; Blair and Bloom, “Illustration, VI. C. 1500–c. 1900, 2. The Style of Tabriz, 1502–1548,” 239–40.

• 70.    Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 4; Welch, A King’s Book of Kings, 33; Canby, “Safavid Painting,” 80–84.

• 71.    For close readings of specific images as sources of Safavid material culture, see Canby, “The Material World of Shah Tahmasp”; and Canby, “Safavid Painting,” 84–103.

• 72.    Turan is a geographical term used to refer to the central Asian steppes. Hillenbrand wrote that by the 1520s, “the age of magnificent royal Shah-namas had long since passed.” It was a time when shorter texts with fewer illustrations were produced. Hillenbrand, “Iconography of the Shāh-nāma-yi Shāhī,” esp. 54–57.

• 73.    Hillenbrand, “Iconography of the Shāh-nāma-yi Shāhī,” 69.

• 74.    On Tahmasp’s renouncement of the arts, Welch, A King’s Book of Kings, 68–73.

• 75.    Gell, “Vogel’s Net,” 36.

• 76.    Welch, A King’s Book of Kings, 79. For the illuminations of the book, see Canby, “Illuminating Shah Tahmasp’s Shahnameh,” 329–33.

• 77.    Annette Weiner calls inalienable possessions those objects “that are imbued with the intrinsic and ineffable identities of their owners, which are not easy to give away.” When compared to similar objects that lack such qualities, because of their prestigious and memorable histories, inalienable possessions carry more authority as they change hands. Weiner, Inalienable Possessions, 6.

• 78.    Most of the text of this section is reproduced and translated in Shani, “Parable of the Ship,” 33–36. On the concepts of the prophet’s family and successor or legatee, see Goldziher et al., “Ahl al-bayt,” and Kholberg, “Waṣī.”

• 79.    Shani, “Parable of the Ship,” 30.

• 80.    Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 203. For an excellent analysis of the paintings of the ship of salvation, and their iconographic transformation in the sixteenth century, see chapter 4, “Safavid Paintings and a ‘Shiʾi’ Muhammad,” 199–250. For the first four “rightly guided” caliphs, see Bosworth, “al-Khulafāʿ al-Rāshidūn.”

• 81.    Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 199–214.

• 82.    Shani, “Parable of the Ship,” 28–29; Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 204-6. As Shani mentions as well, according to a well-known tradition, the prophet said once: “The people of my house (ahl al- bayt) may be compared to Noah’s Ark; whoever rides in it is saved and whoever hangs on to it succeeds and whoever fails to reach it is thrust into hell.”

• 83.    Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 204–6.

• 84.    This painting is discussed in detail in Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 209–12.

• 85.    See also Gruber, Praiseworthy One, 208–9.

• 86.    There is no Ottoman commentary or other detailed sources on the reception of the Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp at the time of its gifting or later in the early modern period. The early nineteenth-century glosses on its paintings in Ottoman Turkish are superbly analyzed in Rüstem, “Afterlife of a Royal Gift.”

• 87.    Welch, A King’s Book of Kings, 16.

• 88.    Grabar, Mostly Miniatures, 67. Similarly, Eleanor Sims noted: “Some of its paintings are superlatively fine and merit every word of praise, contemporary or modern, ever lavished on them, others are good but undistinguished illustrations; still others are compositionally banal, even boring,” Peerless Images, 64.

• 89.    TSMK, H. 1499, 14a. Esin Atıl dates this manuscript bearing Sultan Süley-man’s seal to 1520s–1530s. Atıl, Age of Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent, 74.

• 90.    See Fetvacı, Picturing History.

• 91.    For an overview, see Bağcı et al., Ottoman Painting.

• 92.    Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī, Khulāsat al- tavārīkh, 1: 478. Malik Dailami was a master calligrapher at Tahmasp’s court. See Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza’s Haft Awrang; Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 33–34.

• 93.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 515a. Ermesine (“ermesino” in the document) also appears as ermisino or ormesino in Italian sources. According to Luca Molà “ormesini” were “plain, light and inexpensive silk cloths of Levantine origin widely produced in Italy in the sixteenth century.” Molà, Silk Industry, 405. In 1863, Giuseppe Tassini wrote that the name was associated with the island of Hormuz, where this kind of silk was thought to have originated: “Sotto il nome di ormesini comprendevansi certi drappi di seta provenuti in origine da Ormus città dell’Asia.” Tassini, Curiosità Veneziane, 94.

• 94.    Canby, Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp, 247, 349–50.

• 95.    Mumia, or mumiya in Persian and Turkish, refers to bitumen used as a drug against poisoning and for healing wounds and aches and many other conditions. See below for more on this topic.

• 96.    İrepoğlu, Imperial Ottoman Jewelry, 191–233.

• 97.    British Library, Or. 2265, 60b; Canby, “Safavid Painting,” 118.

• 98.    See also İrepoğlu, Imperial Ottoman Jewelry, 250–59.

• 99.    I am grateful to Akif Yerlioğlu, who generously shared with me his broad knowledge on this topic and patiently answered my questions. For a general introduction, see Dietrich, “Mūmīyāʾ,” and for a more in-depth discussion and sources, see Yerlioğlu, “Paracelsus Goes East,” esp. 101–31.

• 100.    Yerlioğlu, “Paracelsus Goes East”; Bachour, “Mumiya als Arznei”; Dan-nenfeldt, “Egyptian Mumia.”

• 101.    Capello, Lessico farmaceutico- chimico, 234.

• 102.    Yerlioğlu, “Paracelsus Goes East,” 102.

• 103.    Kaempfer, Exotic Attractions in Persia, 365–71. Kaempfer actually identifies here another, less efficacious type of mumia, also found in Iran. I thank Rudi Mat-thee for his generous help on mumia, and for directing my attention to this recent edition of Kaempfer.

• 104.    Kaempfer, Exotic Attractions in Persia, 365; Capello, Lessico farmaceutico-chimico, 234.

• 105.    et l’Amb[asciato]r presenter alla M[aes]tà sua una lettera del Re suo messa in una casetta d’oro Zogielata. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 514a.

• 106.    Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī, Khulāsat al- tavārīkh, 1: 478. The letter is copied there, 478–545, and also in Sarı Abdullah Efendi, Düstūr’ul-Inşā, 298a–331a.

• 107.    Mitchell discusses the letter in Practice of Politics, 128–37.

• 108.    The construction of this new garden-palace began during the 1540s, and it was completed in 1557, two years after the Peace of Amasya. Shah Tahmasp moved his capital from Tabriz to Qazvin as it was less prone to Ottoman attack and was famous for its fertile land and abundant water supply, as Ehsan Echraqi notes in “Le Dār al- Salṭana de Qazvin,” 105–15.

• 109.    Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 132, 130. Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī, Khulāsat al- tavārīkh, 1: 521.

• 110.    Colin Mitchell wrote that this section recounts the production and the presentation of the Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp. However, it seems to me that this is only implied because the poem places the Shahnama in a book shop (dukkān- i ṣaḥḥāf).

• 111.    Nashasta dar ān dilbarī chūn parī chū Bihzād dar fann- i ṣūratgarī / ba ṣūrat chanīn āmada bī- qarīn ki Mānī badu karda ṣad āfarīn. Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī, Khulā-sat al- tavārīkh, 1: 516. For Mani, see Sundermann, “Mani”; Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image, 174–181.

• 112.    This vision is in keeping with Safavid art historical theory, in which significant artistic achievement was understood as being comparable to, or surpassing older masters of a particular craft. Roxburgh, Prefacing the Image. For a specific example, see 92–96, 126.

• 113.    Cited and translated in Mitchell, Practice of Politics, 133–34.

• 114.... dimandò appresso che li mercanti avessero libero commercio dall’una et l’altra parte, et che fusse aperta et sicurata la strada che essi persiani potessero andar alla Meca per via di Babilonia . . . ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 513a.

• 115.    Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans.

• 116.    Casale, “Global Politics in the 1580s”; also Casale, The Ottoman Age of Exploration, esp. 117–52.

• 117.    In response to Tahmasp’s appeal, Süleyman promised safe travel for Safavid pilgrims in the Peace of Amasya in 1555, declaring that that the holy lands of Islam were open to all Muslims (umūm Müslimīn). Kırzıoğlu, Kafkas-Elleri, 244, quoting the treaty as recorded by the Ottoman official and chronicler Celalzade Mustafa (d. 1567). For the Peace of Amasya, see also Kılıç, Osmanlı-Iran, 71–78. A copy of the shah’s letter is recorded in Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 329–36; Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 1: 507–10; ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 603b–604b.

• 118.    McChesney, “The Central Asian Hajj Pilgrimage,” 133. See also Khodark-ovsky, Russia’s Steppe Frontier, 115.

• 119.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Constantinopoli, Filza 2, 514a.

• 120.    Ahmet Refik, Rafızîlik ve Bektaşilik, 24.

• 121.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 1: 253.

• 122.    TSMK, A. 3595, 68a.

Chapter Three

• 1.    Mauss, The Gift.

• 2.    Hilsdale, “Visual Culture,” 299–300. For the scenes of gift-bearing processions at the Achaemenid palace complex and related bibliography, see also Root, “Achaemenid Imperial Architecture”; and Mousavi, Persepolis, esp. 51–56.

• 3.    Hilsdale, “Constructing a Byzantine Augusta,” 458.

• 4.    For repetition in Persian painting, see Swietochowski, “Book Illustration in Pre-Safavid Iran,” 51; Adamova, “Repetition of Compositions”; Roxburgh, “Kamal al-Din Bihzad”; and Roxburgh, Persian Album, esp. 137–47.

• 5.    Key scholarship on royal or elite artistic workshops (kitābkhāna or naqqāsh-khāna) include Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza’s Haft Awrang; Seyller, Workshop and Patron; Roxburgh, Persian Album; and Fetvacı, Picturing History.

• 6.    Roxburgh, Persian Album, 143.

• 7.    Roxburgh, Persian Album, 140.

• 8.    For the Ottoman imperial workshop, see Fetvacı, Picturing History. For a recent comparison of Ottoman and Safavid artistic practice and artists’ differing use of prototypes, see Necipoğlu, “Early Modern Floral,” 142.

• 9.    Fetvacı, Picturing History, 150.

• 10.    Fetvacı, Picturing History, 178. The purpose and function of repeated scenes are especially at the heart of Fetvacı’s discussion of the Sūrnāme (The festival book), 175–85. For a discussion of the Ottoman concept of “world order,” see 80.

• 11.    For an enlightening interpretation of repetition in late sixteenth-century Ottoman manuscript paintings as evoking an ideal, perpetual world at a time of significant political tension and reorganization of power inside the court and outside, see Fetvacı, Picturing History, esp. 149–88, 267–82.

• 12.    Gebauer and Wulf, Mimesis, 91.

• 13.    Illustrated histories at the Ottoman court were produced prior to the Sü-leymānnāme. But as Fetvacı argues, the Ottoman-style shahnama as a genre dates between 1557 and 1623. The Süleymānnāme is understood as the forerunner of this genre, with close structural and semantic ties to the eleventh-century Persian epic, but takes contemporary history to be its subject matter. See Fetvacı, Picturing History, esp. 15–20, for a general overview. For histories written at the Ottoman court in the style of Firdausi’s text, see Tanındı, “The Illustration of the Shahnama.” For an alternative view on the reception and popularity of Firdausi’s shahnama at the Ottoman court, see Schmidt, “Reception of Firdausi’s Shahnama.” The Book of Süleyman was completed in 1558. It is the final book in the five-volume set of the Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsmān (Book of kings of the house of Osman), conceived as a world history, beginning with the creation of mankind and ending with the Ottoman dynasty. Only the first and the fourth volumes, Enbiyānāme and ʾOsmānnāme, are extant. See Atıl, Süleymanname, 55–61; Grube, Islamic Paintings; Eryılmaz, “Shehnamecis of Sultan Süleyman,” 76–215.

• 14.    The author’s full name is Fethullah ʾĀrif Çelebi. For ʾĀrifī’s life and career at the Ottoman court, see Woodhead, “An Experiment”; Eryılmaz, “Shehnamecis of Sultan Süleyman,” 22–36; Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual, 30; Atıl, Süley-manname; and Yazıcı, “Aref Čelebī.”

• 15.    Woodhead, “Murad III and the Historians,” esp. 90–91; and Fetvacı, Picturing History, esp. 269–78. In a recent study, Sinem Eryılmaz argues additionally that the book portrays the sultan as “the seal of kingship and faith,” linking him directly to the Prophet Muhammad: “The tenth Ottoman sultan [Süleyman] is both the last of the great kings of universal dominion and the last of the saints with Muhammedan light.” Eryılmaz, “Shehnamecis of Sultan Süleyman,” 207, 170–75. For other authors who had conceived of Süleyman’s mission along similar lines, see Fleischer, “The Lawgiver as Messiah.” Fleischer argues in fact that Süleyman himself “actively participated in the formation of his messianic image, and for a time at least seems to have believed in his own apocalyptic role in history.” Fleischer, 166.

• 16.    However, as Gülru Necipoğlu has argued, rather than the personal charisma of Süleyman himself, the visual program of the book glorifies “the just power of an imperial state machine.” In the paintings of the manuscript, the sultan is either surrounded by his ruling elite or he is completely absent, which has been interpreted as a conscious choice that underscores the efficiency of the state’s administrative and military system. Necipoğlu, “A Kanun for the State, a Canon for the Arts,” 212.

• 17.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 189b.

• 18.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 332a: maʾzirat khāstan. The envoy is recorded to have expressed this plea during his audience with the sultan. ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süley-mānnāme, 332b: ṭalab kard ʾafv- i gunāh.

• 19.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 332a: nukhust az lab- i shāh- i Irān- zamīn / z[a] lab kard khāk- i zamīn gauharīn.

• 20.    This title has roots and a long history in both the Islamic and ancient Iranian traditions. Kramers and Bosworth, “Sulṭān”; and Crone, God’s Rule, 153.

• 21.    As Gülru Necipoğlu has shown, this practice went back at least to the late fifteenth century. After they were made visible to the sultan, diplomatic gifts would be taken around the palace so that everyone else there would also have a chance to observe them. Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power, 96–102.

• 22.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 331b.

• 23.    For these campaigns and relevant bibliography, see Şahin, Empire and Power, 88–122.

• 24.    Kırzıoğlu, Kafkas-Elleri, 244, quoting the treaty as recorded by the Ottoman official and chronicler Celalzade Mustafa (d. 1567).

• 25.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 604a: judā nīst az hamdigar dīn- i mā. For this letter, see also Diyanet, Ilk Osmanlı-Iran, 5–8; and Şahin, Empire and Power, 133.

• 26.    Busbequius, Travels into Turkey, 78.

• 27.    basī hadīya va tuḥfa-yi shāhvār. ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 602a.

• 28.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 602b.

• 29.    ʾĀrif Çelebi, Süleymānnāme, 603a.

• 30.    Fażlī Khuzānī, a seventeenth-century Safavid court chronicler, by contrast presents the dispatch of Farrukhzād Beg as a response to Sultan Süleyman’s own request for peace in 1553–54. Abrahams, “Afzāl al-Tavārikh,” 133–34.

• 31.    chanīn guft shāhā tuyī dar jihān

• 32.    Fetvacı, Picturing History, 10–11.

• 33.    Woodhead, “Murad III and the Historians,” 91, confirms this observation about the Şehinşehnāme (Book of the king of kings), the multivolume şehnāme produced for Murad III (discussed below). She writes that this project “narrates the significant military and political events but mainly from the standpoint of Istanbul, beginning with a lengthy description of Murad’s accession ceremonies, and compensating for the sultan’s absence from military action by showing him more often seated in state in the capital receiving envoys, gifts, and news.”

• 34.    Loḳmān, Ẓafernāme, 14b.

• 35.    Loḳmān, Ẓafernāme. Minorsky and Wilkinson, Chester Beatty Library, 19–21. This manuscript is also often referred to as the Tārih- i Sulṭān Süleymān Ḫān (History of Sultan Süleyman). Completed in 1578–79, it was written by Seyyīd Loḳmān (d. 1601) and its paintings were executed by a group of artists working under the direction of Nakkaş ʾOsmān. It is thought to be a continuation of ʾĀrifī’s Süleymānnāme, for it details the events of the latter part of Sultan Süleyman’s reign, between 1559 and 1566. Atıl, Süleymanname, 53; Nyitrai, “Rendering History Topical”; and Fetvacı, Picturing History, 122–25. For Seyyīd Loḳmān, see Refik, “Bizde Şehnamecilik”; Woodhead, “An Experiment”; Kütükoğlu, “Şehnameci Lokman”; Fetvacı, “Office of the Ottoman Court Historian,” 7–21; and Kazan, “Şehnameci Seyyid Lokman.”

• 36.    Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān; Karatay, Farsça Yazmalar, 273; Çağman,

“Şehname-i Selim Han,” 411–15; Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 121–23; and Fetvacı, “Şehnāme-i Selīm Ḫān,” 263–315. Paintings in this manuscript, like those of the Ẓafernāme, were executed by a team of artists led by Nakkaş ʾOsmān and Ali. Kazan, “Şehnameci Seyyid Lokman,” 120.

• 37.    Fetvacı, “Şehnāme-i Selīm Ḫān,” 266.

• 38.    Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān, 53b–54a.

• 39.    Ottoman historian and bureaucrat Feridun Ahmed Beg, in his Nüzhet- i esrārü’l- aḫbār der Sefer- i Sīgetvār, 248a, describes this custom in his account of the ambassador’s audience with the sultan: kapucībaşılarī müşārileyh Şāh Kūlī Sulṭānıñ ḳoltuġına girüb adāb- ı taʾẓīm ü tekrīm birle pāyeʿ- i ʾālī serīr- i gerdūn naẓīre getürüb. See also Feridun Ahmed Beg, Nüzhet- i Esrârü’l-Ahyâr, eds. Arslantürk and Börekçi, 352.

• 40.    Uluç, Turkman Governors, 469–505.

• 41.    Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān, 53b: z[a] har jins- i maqbūl zībā u khūsh.

• 42.    Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān, 54a: muẕahhab qalām- i qadīm bi-jild- i muraṣṣaʾ bi- qadr- i ʾaẓīm.

• 43.    Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān, 54a–55b.

• 44.    For a discussion of the respect and envy that ʾĀrifī’s work elicited, see Eryılmaz, “Shehnamecis of Sultan Süleyman,” esp. 41–47. For the Ottoman historian Mustafa ʾĀlī’s well-known criticism of Loḳmān, see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual, 105–6.

• 45.    TSMK, H. 1339, 247b. See also Feridun Ahmed Beg, Nüzhet- i Esrârü’l-Ahyâr, eds. Arslantürk and Börekçi, 352, 353, 419.

• 46.    For the new visual imperial iconography presented in late sixteenth-century Ottoman manuscript paintings more broadly, see Fetvacı, Picturing History, esp. 149–88, 267–82.

• 47.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1 [1581]. For this manuscript, see Aksu, “Sultan III. Murad Şehinşehnamesi”; and Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 124–28.

• 48.    Kazan, “Şehnameci Seyyid Lokman,” 120–21.

• 49.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 20a, quoted in Yıldız, “Ottoman Historical Writing in Persian,” 477. I have altered the translation only slightly.

• 50.    For example, a painting about the presentation to the sultan of the Prophet Muhammad’s newly discovered sword in Egypt (Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 25a) underlines Murad III’s claim to world dominion. The text above the painting reads: “The whole world is dependent, submissive to his splendor / the noble and the plebeian to his sovereignty” (jahān jumla tābiʾ shahānash muṭī / bifarmān- ravā-yī sharīf u vażīʾ). According to Fetvacı, Picturing History, 153, 279–80, in keeping with a wider trend of emphasis on Murad III’s piety and its integration into this sultan’s political and public image, this painting also attests to a new source of religious legitimacy sought by the Ottoman dynasty, for the transfer of this relic would designate the Ottoman sultan as the rightful heir to the Prophet.

• 51.    Kütükoğlu, “Şah Tahmasb’ın III,” 1.

• 52.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 38b–39a. Military parades of this sort, in which the sultan ceremonially enters the capital, were not unusual. In pictorial terms, however, it was previously not a popular theme in Ottoman manuscripts.

• 53.    Stephan Gerlach noted that nearly 10,000 soldiers attended the parade. Gerlach, Türkiye Günlüğü. Loḳmān gives the much more exaggerated number of 120,000. Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 35b: fuzūn az ṣad u bīst bīvar hazār.

• 54.    The couplet inscribed on the left page reads: z[a] rūzan ki shud chashm-i qāṣid birūn / qizilbāsh rā gasht ḥayrat fuzūn. Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 39a.

• 55.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 38a: biguftand yārab khudāvandgār biʾālam muṭaʾī būd bar qarār.

• 56.    See Fetvacı, Picturing History, esp. 164–75.

• 57.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 41b–42a.

• 58.    Fetvacı, Picturing History, 79.

• 59.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 42b: bihangām- i pā- būs u afkandagī / pay- i pīshkash az sar- i bandagī.

• 60.    Many of these are cited in Kütükoğlu, “Şah Tahmasb’ın III,” 6. There is additionally a Venetian archival document (dated May 27, 1576) that lists them: ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 96a–103a.

• 61.    on sekiz mücelled muraṣṣaʾ ü müzehheb kelām- ı ḳadīm- i rabbānī. Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91b. Historian Meḥmed Zāʾīm mentions ten Qurʿans. See Zāʾīm, Cāmiʾ’üt- Tevārīḫ, 308b.

• 62.    Correr mentions sixty-three volumes in Persian, whereas Loḳmān records these as “more than sixty.” ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 100a; Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91b.

• 63.    The record in the Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ is as follows: birkac ḳıṭʾa muṣavver muraḳḳaʾ ḫutūt- ı sabʾa ve taʾlīḳ ve reyḥānī. A catalog entry for the famous Shah Tahmasp Album (IUK, F. 1422) claims that it was one of the gifts sent by Tahmasp in 1576. This claim is based on a note written much later on the flyleaf: “Formé pour Shah Tahmasp par Shah Quli Khalifah son garde des sceaux, cet album a du faire partie de présents du Shah, offerts à Murad III, en 1576.” Edhem and Stchoukine, Les manuscrits orientaux, 40–43. For this album, see Roxburgh, Persian Album, 196–212. The album currently has eighty-nine folios. Roxburgh (343–44n35) has argued that folios might have been removed from it through the years, but “these can only be few in number, a hypothesis based on the premise that the thickness of the current gathering corresponds to the width of the spine.” Since Loḳmān noted multiple volumes, it is entirely likely, as Roxburgh has argued, that the mid-sixteenthcentury albums he has studied were among these. See Persian Album, 317. I am very grateful to Esra Akın-Kıvanç for sharing her thoughts on Loḳmān’s entry.

• 64.    ve emtiʾa zeylinde onbīñ dāne siyah balıkcıl telī. Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91b.

• 65.    lacrime di cervo, scatole n[ume]ro 3. In Ottoman Turkish, just as in Italian, bezoars were likened, according to legend, to tears formed in the eyes of deer that had just been bitten by a snake. See Tuğ, “Guynetü’l-Muhassılīn,” 100, 108. Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 42b, notes that the bezoar cases were many in number, all made of silver: basī ḥuqqa-y i sīmīn pur pādzahr. See also Potts, “Ibex, Persian.” On the origins, circulation, and various attitudes toward the effectiveness of bezoar stones in the early modern period, see Borschberg, “Euro-Asian Trade,” 29–44; Fricke, “Making Marvels—Faking Matter.”

• 66.    Cited and discussed in Barroso, “Bezoar Stones,” 196. Barroso distinguishes different types of bezoars according to place and animal of origin and efficacy.

• 67.    Only Correr itemizes these in detail, as thirty-four large silk carpets, two very large silk carpets, and fourteen “mosque carpets,” which must be prayer rugs. See Rogers, “Europe and the Ottoman Arts,” 2: 721. Correr’s list also includes nine velvet carpets in diverse colors, in addition to five very fine wool carpets.

• 68.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 42b.

• 69.    Kütükoğlu, “Şah Tahmasb’ın III,” n.24. For hunting birds, see also Reindl-Kiel, “Dogs, Elephants, Lions”; Veinstein, “Falconry in the Mid Sixteenth Century”; Borromeo, “The Ottomans and Hunting.”

• 70.    Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91a–91b.

• 71.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 100a: tutti gioielate, et miniate.

• 72.    Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 114: Baʾdehu Dīvān- ı adālet- unvāna ilçi- i mezbūr gelüp nāmeyi teslīm eyledükde azīm kalabalık dīvān oldı. Tuhaf u hedāyā-y ı memālik- i Acem be-gāyet bī- hadd u bī- kıyās çekildi. Dīvān- ı muʾallānun dār u medārı tamāmen pişkeş çekenler ile mālī oldı. Yalnız kırk hazīnelük murassaʾ u mücevver sütün ile ve akmişe- i rengīn ile duhte bir otak- ı gerdūn- nitāk çekildi. Teşrīfāt defterinde dahi bu tavr üzre yazıldı. Hiç bir tārīhde şāhān- ı pīşīnden Divān- ı ālīye gelmiş ve yazılmış değildi. Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 114.

• 73.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 43b.

• 74.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 44a: bikursī nashast az pay- i sayr u gasht / naẓar kard bar khaima va bāz gashtguzasht az tamāshā-yi ān khaima zūd / ki andar khur- i himmatash tang būd.

• 75.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 54a, 122a, 141b.

• 76.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 1, 141b.

• 77.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2 [1592]. Karatay, Farsça Yazmalar, 274–75. This volume covers Murad III’s reign, between the years 1580 and 1584. Completed in 1592, it was presented to Sultan Murad III’s son Mehmed III in 1597/98 (1006). Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 152. It contains ninety-five paintings. Atasoy, “III. Murad Şehinşehnamesi”; and Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 152–55.

• 78.    Among the ninety-five illustrations contained in the manuscript, the theme of contacts with the Safavids is prominent. These include scenes of the sultan’s appointment of commanders to the front, military clashes, and diplomatic receptions.

• 79.    By contrast with the first volume of the Şehinşehnāme, the role assumed by the sultan in the paintings of the second volume is not restricted to that of a sedentary ruler whose only contact with the world beyond his palace is audiences he gives to foreign envoys and his own vassals. While the sultan is similarly always depicted in the capital, he participates in various activities besides giving audiences to envoys. Nevertheless, he makes few appearances, thus emphasizing the strength of his state’s administrative and military institutions, which run perfectly well without his constant approval or presence. For the variety of roles assumed by the Ottoman ruling elite and military commanders in illustrated manuscripts, see Fetvacı, Picturing History.

• 80.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 29b.

• 81.    Camille, Mirror in Parchment, 339.

• 82.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 24b–25a.

• 83.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 33b–34a.

• 84.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 26a.

• 85.    Schweigger, Sultanlar Kentine Yolculuk, 87–88.

• 86.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 28b–29a, 36b–37a, respectively.

• 87.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 26b: jihān gasht pur az qumāsh- i ʾAjam.

• 88.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 14, 223a.

• 89.    Schweigger, Sultanlar Kentine Yolculuk, 89.

• 90.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 36a: qumāsh- i ʾAjam jumla bā kash u fash.

• 91.    Mustafa ʾĀlī, Cāmiʾuʿl- buhūr, 25: her biri tuḥfe- i ulü’l- elbāb. See also ReindlKiel, “Power and Submission,” 46–47; Uluç, Turkman Governors, 463–66; Uluç, “Ottoman Book Collectors.”

• 92.    Mustafa ʾĀlī, Cāmiʾuʿl- buhūr, 26.

• 93.    Other members of the Safavid court joined the shah in offering gifts, for it is recorded that Khudābanda’s mother, Sultanum Bekum, sent some to the Ottoman queen mother, and his sister to the female attendants of the court. The Safavid crown prince, Hamza Mirza, also sent two groups of gifts, for the sultan and for Prince Mehmed. Each of these individual lists emulates the gifts sent from Khu-dābanda to Murad III, taking it as a template. Mustafa ʾĀlī, Cāmiʾuʿl- buhūr, 26–28.

• 94.    Camille, Gothic Idol, xxvii.

• 95.    Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 75b–76a.

• 96.    Terzioğlu, “Imperial Circumcision Festival,” 85–86.

Chapter Four

• 1.    This is a heroic account of Ferhad Pasha’s eastern campaign and the Ottoman conquest of Ganja. Penned by Rahimizade Ibrahim Çavuş, it was presented to Murad III in 1590 by the chief black eunuch Mehmed Agha. Two copies of the work exist: the lavish copy illustrated with twenty paintings is found in: TSMK, R. 1296. The other, unillustrated copy completed a year later, is in IUK, TY 2372, 99a– 160b. The Topkapı manuscript was recently published in full: Rahimizade Ibrahim Çavuş, Kitāb- ı Gencīne- i Feth- i Gence, eds. Karaağaç and Eskikurt. On this book, see also Fetvacı, Picturing History, 185–87; Tanındı, “Bibliophile Aghas (Eunuchs),” 334–35; Çağman and Tanındı, “Remarks on Some Manuscripts,” 144–45; Uluç, Turkman Governors, 486–87, 490–91.

• 2.    perverdeʿ- i sāyeʿ- i ẓıll- ı ilāhī olmak ricāsıyla.

• 3.    ben pādişāh- ı islām ḥażretlerinüñ sāʿīr ḳullarī gibi bendesiyim muḳaddemā iġvā-yı şeyṭān- ı bedkār ve ilḳā-yı aʾvān [u] enṣārile ṭārīḳ- ı ʾināda sālik olduḳca ḳuv-vet- i ḳāhireleriyle cemī ʾvilāyetüm ḳabż u żabṭ idüb elümde bāḳī ḳalancasınuñ daḫi māl u menāl talān ve ricāl ü nisā ü eṭfālün nālān itdiler bu āna dek itdügimüz efʾāle peşīmān olub ʾafv u iḥsānları ricāsına ḳarındaşum oġlī sulṭān ḫaydarī sizüñle der- i ʾadālet- i destgāha irsāl eylemege muḳarrer itmişimdür. TSMK, R. 1296, 45b.

• 4.    “Singularization” is developed in Kopytoff, “The Cultural Biography of Things,” 64, 73–77. Theories that attribute agency to things in social relations are useful. But most focus on objects, while the case of the prince considers agency from the point of view of an objectified human. Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value”; Gell, Art and Agency, 3–63; Latour, Reassembling the Social; Miller, Stuff.

• 5.    Marcel Mauss famously discussed gift exchange as a reciprocal and competitive dialogue in The Gift.

• 6.    TSMK, R. 1296, 46b. Only the envoy’s name is mentioned by the Safavid historian Iskandar Beg Munshi. See Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 587.

• 7.    Cod. 8626, 128a. Des kinigs [Koenigs] aus Persia son [Sohn] so 1590 auff Constandinopll durch list unnd prattica des Sinam Wascha ist geschickt worden. Cod.

8626, 128. I thank Professor James Tracy for the translation. For the album, and this drawing, see Arbasino, I Turchi; Unterkircher, “The Imperial Codex.” Unterkircher dates the album between 1590 and 1593, the dates of the Persian prince’s entry into the Ottoman capital and the beginning of the Ottoman-Habsburg war. Babinger, “Drei Stadtansichten von Kostantinopel”; Tanındı, “Transformation of Words”; Casale, “A Peace for a Prince,” 46–48.

• 8.    See also Milstein, Miniature Painting in Ottoman Baghdad, 99. Recently, Melis Taner has brought to light an illustrated copy of the poet Bāḳī’s collection of poetry, which includes another painting of the prince’s entry into Istanbul. See Taner, “Harvard Sanat Müzesi’nde Bulunan.”

• 9.    Schmitz, “On a Special Hat.”

• 10.    For these dignitaries, see Tanındı, “Transformation of Words,” 136; Taner, Caught in a Whirlwind.

• 11.    Bāḳī, Bākī Dīvānı, 15. In some copies of Bāḳī’s dīvān, the title is simply: “In praise of Sultan Murad Khan” (der sitāyiş- i Sulṭan Murad Ḫan). For example, Bāḳī, Dīvān- ı Bāḳī, 23.

• 12.    Loḳmān presents a similar view: “What was unknown became visible with [the aid of] those who arrived at the truth / God rendered the Redheads powerless / With war, the East opened just as the West / God spoke and the enemy was struck / No man of obstinacy was left in the world / [They] became submissive to the king, full of firm belief.”

ḥażır olub ġāyib erenlerle hep / ḳıldī ḳızılbāşī berüftāde rab ġarb gibī şarḳ açılūb ḥarble / ḳāʾil-i ḥaḳ oldī ʾaduvv żarble (darble) ḳalmadī ʾālemde bir ehl- i ʾinād / oldī muṭīʾ şaha pāk iʾtiḳād.

Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 131b.

• 13.    o şāh- ı nāmversin kim Ḳırım Ḫān’ı ʾAcem şāhı. “you are that renowned king, who are the Khan of Crime or the Shah of Iran?” Mustafa ʾĀlī, Divan, 1: 230–231. Also Loḳmān wrote: ḫān- ı ḳırım bendeʿ- i dīrīnesī / şāh- ı ʾacem çāker- i bī kīnesī. Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 133a.

• 14.    öñce Hasan Paşa yürürdī süvār / peyrevī mīrzāy iṭaʾāt medār. Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 130b–131a. The manuscript is dated 999 (1590/91) on 178b. The text of this manuscript is complete but most of the marginal decorations and paintings in it are unfinished. It only includes portraits of sultans Osman, Orhan, and Mehmed I. See Rieu, Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts, 16–17; Tanındı, “Transformation of Words,” 134–36.

• 15.    açdī ʾacem milketinī serbeser / rehn ile ḳurtardī başın sürḫser. Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 132a.

• 16.    Everyone was dressed lavishly for the occasion (müretteb ü mükemmel). TSMK, R. 1296, 52a; Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 138b–139a.

• 17.    oldīlar āgāh ḳızılbāşlar / yüklediler çādırī ferraşlar

oldī ḳaṭār ile muḳaddem revān / pīşkeşī bāc u ḫarāc- ı cihān.

Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 138b.

• 18.    saḥaʿ- i zībende arīż u vesīʾ / bünyeʿ- i cüdrānī metīn ü refīʾ çekse alayī ānda hezārān süvār / yüzbīñ alayuñ daḫī boş yerī vār.

Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 138b.

• 19.    Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power, 50–52. Rahimizade instead calls it the Gate of Felicity (bāb- ı saʾādet).

• 20.    ḥayretle dikdī yere başınī / çātdī ḫacāletden ikī ḳāşınī. Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 139a.

• 21.    The robes probably came from the treasury. Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power, 79.

• 22.    ḳāldī bu āyīne şah oġlī ʾaceb / fikre ṭālūb ḥayretle āçdī leb itdī ne ḫoş leşker- i zībendedür / resm- i dilfürūz u şekībendedür.

Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 144a.

• 23.    Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power, 66, 101–2; Reindl-Kiel, “East Is East and West Is West,” 115.

• 24.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli, filza 30, 390.

• 25.    Similarly, ʾAbd-Allah Hātifī was a poet educated in the late Timurid period who later found work at the Safavid court. He is the author of the historical tale for Ismaʾil, Shāh- nama-yi Shāh Ismāʾīl, and other long poems emulating Niẓāmī, such as the Haft Manzar (Seven countenances), a copy of which was among the gifts brought with Haydar Mirza in 1590, as in the list above. See Safa, “Persian Literature,” 957.

• 26.    dürlū ḫuṭūṭile muraḳḳaʾ tamām / ḳıṭʾalarından dil ü cān şehdkām eks̱erī taʾlīḳ ile ḫoşḫaṭṭ idī / çehreʿ- i cānān gibī muḫaṭṭat idī cedvel ü teẕhībleri bī mis̱āl / baḳsa teṣāvīrine ehl- i kemāl fikr idinūb ʾaḳl ile cānlar cānī / rūḥ- ı muṣavver ṣānūr idī ānī.

Loḳmān, Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman, 145a.

• 27.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli, filza 30, 390.

• 28.    Dispatch of bailo Giovanni Corraro ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 100a. See also Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91a, 91b. Loḳmān’s account is discussed at length in Kütükoğlu, “Şah Tahmasb’ın III.”

• 29.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 100a. In Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, Loḳmān confirms this, though he indicates the number as “more than sixty”: ve altmış cildden ziyāde muʾteber farisī naẓm u nesr kitāb- ı şirindastānī. Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91b.

• 30.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 9, 100a; and üç hokka mūmi-yāʾ- i maʿdenī ve panzehr- i hayvānī, Loḳmān, Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ, 91b.

• 31.    Hunting animals are recorded in an Ottoman document, as discussed in Kütükoğlu, “Şah Tahmasb’ın III,” 6–7.

• 32.    As noted above in chapter 3, Loḳmān, Şehinşehnāme, vol. 2, 26b: jihān gasht pur az qumāsh- i ʾAjam; ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 14, 223a. Salomon Schweigger mentions only two copies of the Qurʿan and turquoise stones in Sultanlar Kentine Yolculuk, 89.

• 33.    These are listed in their fullest extent by Mustafa ʾAli, as also mentioned in chapter 3: Mustafa ʾĀlī, Cāmiʾuʿl- buhūr, 25–26.

• 34.    The terms of the treaty are recorded in Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s-selāṭīn, 2: 157–60. See also Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 197; Kılıç, Osmanlı-Iran, 129–31.

• 35.    Şehā ṣāḥib- ḳıranlıḳ zāt- ı pāküñle temām oldı / ʾAcem şāhınuñ oġlı geldi kūyuñda ġulām oldı. The poem is titled “Panegyric Poem in Praise of the Esteemed Prince for the Coming of the Son of the Shah of Iran” (ḳasīde der- medḥ- i şehzāde- i muhterem berāy- ı āmeden- i püser- i şāh- ı ʾacem). Mustafa ʾĀlī, Divan, 1: 230–31.

• 36.    For the ritual practice of kissing the sultan’s hand, see Brummett, “A Kiss Is

Just a Kiss.” The first illustration in the same book shows, for example, Ferhad Pasha kissing the tip of the sultan’s robe. TSMK, R. 1296, 5b, reproduced in Fetvacı, Picturing History, 84.

• 37.    For example, Newman, Safavid Iran, 52; Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 197; Kılıç, Osmanlı-Iran, 126–32. See also Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 2: 157–60.

• 38.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli, filza 30, 390.

• 39.    For example, whether the region of Karacadağ (or Qarajadāgh) should remain under Safavid rule was an issue of debate during the negotiations. There was disagreement even among Ottoman officials on whether that region was conquered, which encouraged the Safavid envoy to insist that he could not agree to leave those lands to the Ottomans. Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 202–6.

• 40.    Naṭanzī is openly critical of the shah on this issue, for he refers to Mahdiquli Khan in this instance as “that aggrieved guiltless one” (ān bī-gunāh- i maẓlūm). Afushtah-i Naṭanzī, Nuqavat al- āsār fī zikr al- akhyār [1598], 383.

• 41.    Des Kindts [Kindes] Hoffmeister ders [der es] aus Persthia hatt gen [gegen] Constantinopll bracht ht im darnach von seinem kinig [Koenig] den kopff abgeschlagen worden das er das kindt nicht hatt wider [wieder] gebracht. Cod. 8626, 125b. I thank Professor James Tracy for this translation.

• 42.    Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 203.

• 43.    Qara Ahmad Sultan arrived in Istanbul at the end of August 1591. Seeing that the shah’s letter raised objections about leaving the region of Nahavand to the Ottomans, Ottoman courtiers pressured Qara Ahmad to not even mention this issue to the sultan durng the audience. Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 251–53; Kılıç, Osmanlı-Iran, 135. For the dispute over Nahavand, see also Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 204–6.

• 44.    Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 252–55. According to Selaniki, the Ottoman establishment did not credit such a pressure from Shah ʾAbbas, for no such news had previously come to their attention. They also did not want to jeopardize the peace treaty they had just signed with ʾAbbas. For a detailed discussion of the correspondence between the Ottoman court, Khan Ahmad, and Shah ʾAbbas, see Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 207–8n20.

• 45.    Shah Tahmasp’s daughter Maryam Sultan Begom was married to Khan Ahmad in 1578. Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 1: 339, 2: 622–24. After his three-month-stay in Istanbul, Khan Ahmad headed for Iraq to visit the holy Shiʾi shrines in Najaf and Karbala (with Ottoman permission and financial support). Later, he planned to appeal to the Uzbeks but failed and returned to Istanbul. For Khan Ahmad’s stay in Istanbul, see Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 267, 295–301. For further discussion of the Khan Ahmad incident, including Ottoman and Safavid sources regarding the issue and how the issue continued to dominate Ottoman-Safavid relations in the first of half of the 1590s, see Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 206–13; Kasheff, “Gīlān.”

• 46.    On the importance of Gilan in silk production see Inalcık, “The Ottoman State,” 219–30; Matthee, Politics of Trade, esp. chaps. 2 and 3. For an overview of the competition over this area, see Kortepeter, “Complex Goals.”

• 47.    Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 209–210. It is also clear from the correspondence between the two courts that the Ottomans were threatened by the shah’s offensive on Gilan.

• 48.    McChesney, “Conquest of Herat.”

• 49.    Akdağ, Dirlik ve Düzenlik Kavgası; Griswold, Great Anatolian Rebellion;

Barkey, Bandits and Bureaucrats. For a recent analysis that takes as the main source of troubles drastic changes in climate, see White, Climate of Rebellion, 163–187.

• 50.    ve bunda Südde- i saʾadet- medārda olan Hamza Mirza oğlı Haydar Mirza’ya bir tarīk ile gezend irişdürmek kızılbaş- ı bed- maʾāş tāʿifesinün aksā-yı merāmları olup ve mā- beynde olan sulh u salāhı ber- taraf eyleyüp, yine keʿl- evvel hāl- i ālem zārī olmak içün kār- zāra başlamak evbāşlarınun murādı idüği rūşen ü müberhendür’ diyü hūşmendān işʾār eylediler idi. Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 268.

• 51.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 707.

• 52.    ASVe, Senato, Copie Ottocentesche dei Dispacci, Registro 11, 254; Selānikī, Tarih, 1: 268; Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 216.

• 53.    Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 320; also Hasan Bey-zāde Ahmed, Hasan Bey- zāde Tārīhi, 2: 365.

• 54.    Saʾādetle sulṭān Meḥmed cülūs / buyurdī bülend oldī avāz kūs el öpdī sipah çıḳdī inʾām hem / Ḳırım ḫānlarī, Mīrzā-yı ʾAcem.

David Collection, 19-2009, fols. 15b–16a. The book was sold at auction in 2009: Arts of the Islamic World Including Fine Carpets and Textiles London 7 October 2009 (auction catalogue), Sotheby’s, lot 58.

• 55.    These paintings are analyzed in Tarım Ertuğ, “Depiction of Ceremonies.” See also Tanındı, “Osmanlı Sarayında Safevi Şehzadeler.”

• 56.    Tarım Ertuğ, “The Depiction of Ceremonies,” 255–58. As Tarım Ertuğ argues, a novelty in the painting of Ahmed I’s accession is the depiction of the second court from a wider angle. Differently from previous examples, the statesman before Ahmed I kisses his hand.

• 57.    Şehzāde Haydar Mirza’yı pürsiş- i hātır itmek ve dāyesin getürmek takribiyle. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 446. Mehmed III’s letter to Shah ʾAbbas gave news of Murad III’s death, his subsequent enthronement, and asked for the prayers and good wishes of the Safavid religious establishment in the western campaign the sultan was preparing to embark on. Mehmed III also granted permission that ʾAbbas send two officials to Baghdad, which was under Ottoman rule, so the poor and needy around the holy Shiʾi shrines there would be fed. The sultan did not, however, allow the Shah to complete the project of changing the path of the Euphrates, so it would go by the holy Shiʾi shrine in Najaf, which was a project first formulated by Shah Ismaʾil. A copy of the letter is in Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, 2: 352–55. Shah ʾAbbas’s letter to Sultan Murad is partly cited and discussed in Falsafī, Shah ʾAbbas- i Avval, 5: 1688–91.

Chapter Five

• 1.    The letter is summarized in Kütükoğlu, Osmanlı-Iran, 217.

• 2.    Zulfaqar Khan Qaramanlu, the governor of Ardabil, left Khurasan at the end of May 1596. Yazdī, Tārikh- i ʾAbbāsī, 147; Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 688, notes three hundred men in the embassy. Selaniki records a thousand people. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 653.

• 3.    ASVe, Senato, Copie ottocenteschi dei dispacci, Registro XI, 257–59, dated January 1597. A copy of the same list was also sent to Florence. It is published in Spallanzani, Carpet Studies, 174–75. Ottoman and Safavid chronicles mention these gifts in passing.

• 4.    Un altro libro che si chiama Devanesai che vuol dire croniche de Imperatori; see appendix 6. In the Florentine list, this is given as Roanisai, as reproduced in Spallanzani, Carpet Studies, 174. Although “Devanesai” sounds like Dīvān- i Shāhī, which would refer to the collected poems of Amīr Shāhī Sabzavarī (d. 1453), the description negates that reading. Neither of these words help us decipher the title back into the original Persian or Turkish. I thank Stefano Pellò and Sheila Blair for kindly thinking with me about the undecipherable names and titles in this document.

• 5.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 688.

• 6.    Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 640. The display of these animals is also mentioned in a report from the Venetian ambassadors to the Senate. ASVe, Senato, Copie ottocenteschi dei dispacci, Registro XI, 156.

• 7.    ve şimdiye dek Asitāne- i saʾādete diyār- ı Şark’dan gelen kızılbaşlar tavrına muhālif uslūb- ı garīb ihtirāʾ eyleyüp, taçları gayet küçük ve sendereslu ve sarıkları müdevver edebde sūfiyāne haşa irsāliyyesi de var ve üstüne murassaʾ balıkcın sorguç dahi takınmışlar ve Han’un saruğı hindī alaca harīrden vākı olmuş hatta önünce bir yedek sarūğı dahi getürülüp giderdi. Ve yanınca peykler ve ardınca tīr u kemān ile kafadarları ve yedi yorgun ve turgun murassaʾ eğerlü yedekleri ve üç eğeri Özbek’den alınmış murassaʾ kaltaklar ki aktarmamızdur diyü arz- ı kālā eylediler. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 639–40.

• 8.    ASVe, Senato, Copie ottocenteschi dei dispacci, Registro XI, 253.

• 9.    They say this was due to the current shortage of horses, poor treatment of the existing ones, and broader problems within the military organization in Istanbul: La causa di cosi poca compagnia Turchesca che viene attribuita al mancamente de cavalli essendo comparsi anco maltrattati quelli che vi erano et perchè ancora la gente di questa militia si trova in male stato. ASVe, Senato, Copie ottocenteschi dei dispacci, Registro XI, 253–254.

• 10.    TSMK, H. 1609, 68b–69a. This manuscript, in the genre of gazanama (campaign monograph), tells the story of Mehmed III’s western campaign in which he conquered the Fortress of Eğri, and his defeat of the Habsburg army at the Battle of Haçova (Mezökeresztes). The text was written by Talikizade Mehmed in verse, who personally attended the campaign. For Talikizade, see Woodhead, “From Scribe to Litterateur.” Paintings of the manuscript were executed by Nakkaş Hasan. For this manuscript and its paintings, see (Tanındı), “Nakkaş Hasan Paşa”; Fehér, Turkish Miniatures; Çabuk, “Eğri Seferi Şehnāmesi”; Woodhead, “Ottoman Historiography,” 469–477; Woodhead, “The Ottoman gazaname,” 55–60; Bağcı et al., Osmanlı Resim Sanatı, 180–81.

• 11.    Çabuk, “Eğri Seferi Şehnāmesi,” 243.

• 12.    alʾā serāser ve dībālar ve atlas ve kemhālar ve çatmalar ve sirenkler (seren-kler). Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 652. For these fabrics, see Tezcan, Atlaslar Atlası, 30–34; Raby and Effeny, Ipek, 341.

• 13.    envā ve ecnās- ı akmişe- i Acem ve Frengi çeküp kızılbaşlar’un ellerine virüp. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 653; Çabuk, “Eğri Seferi Şehnāmesi,” 242–49.

• 14.    Considering sultanic favors and provisions provided for his household insufficient, Zulfaqar Khan is said to have gone shopping for more provisions at high prices in Istanbul. He also refused to stay at the palace prepared for him because it was previously assigned to the hostage Safavid prince Haydar Mirza, who had died there. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 634, 640, 675–77. For the office of the sipahsalar, see

Minorsky, Tadhkirat Al-Muluk, 75–76; Savory, “The Office of Sipahsalar”; Floor, Safavid Government Institutions, 17–18.

• 15.    For the office of sadr in the Safavid administrative system, which had roots in the Timurid and Turkoman courts, see Minorsky, Tadhkirat Al-Muluk, 111; Savory, “Safavid Administrative System”; Arjomand, Shadow of God, 123–125; Turner “Ṣadr”; Floor, “The sadr or Head.”

• 16.    Gördiler ki ilçinün suhan- verlik ile münāsebeti yok āmiyāne kişi mikdārınca söylediler. Selānikī, Tarih, 2: 656–57.

• 17.    According to Selaniki, Zulfaqar Khan presented ʾAbbas’s letter and was allowed to speak only briefly; he simply wished that the sultan’s rule be blessed, and his opponents be forever suppressed. The letter expressed the shah’s condolences for the death of Murad III and congratulations to the new sultan Mehmed III on his enthronement. Shah ʾAbbas also apologized for the delay in the dispatch of the embassy, which was due to his military engagement in Khurasan. This letter is partly cited in Falsafī, Shah ʾAbbas- i Avval, 5: 1693–95. According to the report to the Venetian Senate [il] Persiano habbia egli mandato questo suo Ambasciatore a far l’ufficio di congratulatione; ma essendo stato l’Ambasciatore lungamente dentro la camera del Gran Signore a trattar seco ciò ha dato occasione molto di discorrere dicendosi che nella capitolatione di pace seguita tra questi due potentati il Gran Signore habbi promesso di tenir in deposito Tauris sino a tanto che il figliuolo del Persiano all’hora piccolo fusse pervenuto a certa età ma che essendo morto il detto figliuolo con sospetto che possa esser stato avitato da questa parte l’Ambasciator a nome del Re di Persia ricerche hora che le sia restituita questa piazza, il tempo farà conoscere la verità di queste trattationi. ASVe, Senato, Copie ottocenteschi dei dispacci, Registro XI, 254–55.

• 18.    The envoy left for Iran in March that year, having had a final audience with the sultan, after which he was presented with many gifts. Zulfaqar Khan received a horse with silver chains and saddle and many precious robes of honor. For Shah ʾAbbas, he was given a horse with gold chains and saddle. Additionally, fifty men in his retinue were given precious robes of honor of the highest quality (hilʾat- ı serāser- i fāhireler). Selānikī, Tarih 2: 675. Among Safavid sources, only Iskandar Beg Munshi mentions briefly that Zulfaqar Khan arrived in Iran “bearing appropriate gifts.” Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 689.

• 19.    Rizvi, The Safavid Dynastic Shrine, see esp. 159–86. For ʾAbbas’s struggles with the Uzbeks, see Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 727–63. For Safavid-Uzbek relations during the reign of Shah ʾAbbas, see Falsafī, Shah ʾAbbas- i Avval, 4: 1435–52.

• 20.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 773. Bellan, Chah Abbas I, 76–86; Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley, 26–27. As Kütükoğlu points out, Iskandar Beg Munshi does not give the name of the ambassador. Osmanlı-Iran, 220. It is noted as “eşik ağası Karahan Ağa” in Selānikī, Tarih 2: 814.

• 21.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 49, 307a.

• 22.    Egli nell’audientia sua presentò al Re dodeci chiavi d’oro, et dodeci di argento sopra due piatti di legno miniate; et disse, che havendo che suo Re con il favor di Dio, et con le buona amicitia del Gran Sig[no]re soggiogato, et superato il suo nemico, et impostori cosi del suo paese, egli riconoscendo il tutto della pace, che conserva con S[ua] M[aes]tà le mandava à presentar quelle chiavi do venti quattro città, et castelli requistati, le quali egli come sue le offeriva. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli

filza 49, 340b–341a. The Ottoman historian Selaniki phrases the message from the shah in the first person: “My fortresses and my own self belong to the padshah, the refuge of the world.” Selānikī, Tarih 2: 814.

• 23.    ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 49, 341a.

• 24.    Two Ottoman sources briefly mention the keys, as Bekir Kütükoğlu has noted. The seventeenth-century Ottoman chronicler Karaçelebizade Abdülaziz wrote: “When the shah of Iran claimed Khurasan and Mashhad without litigation, he sent twenty-four keys to fortresses he had conquered as a gift to the Porte of the king of kings by way of reverence” (ṣūret- i ṣadāḳatden tuḥfeʿ- i dergāh- ı şehinşāh sitāre). Karaçelebizade Abdülaziz, Ravżatü’l-Ebrār, 487. In Selaniki’s account, the twenty-four keys are said to have been presented in one gold and one silver tray (biri altun tebsi ve biri gümüş tebsi içinde koyup). Selānikī, Tarih 2: 814.

• 25.    At the Topkapı Palace Museum, there remain a few dozen keys of fortresses that have either been conquered or presented to sultans through the centuries. Most of these, especially those that bear inscriptions and dates are from the nineteenth century. For these keys, see Ünal, “Kale Anahtarları”; Aslanapa, “Kale Anahtarları.” Though we know little about the ceremonial use of these keys to various fortresses, there is relatively more information about the keys to the Kaaba, which were also held, with great pride, by the Ottomans. For the keys to the Kaaba, see Yılmaz, The Holy Kaʾba; Aydın, Sacred Relics; Beyoğlu, “The Ottoman and the Islamic Sacred Relics.” See also Öz, Hırka- i Saadet Dairesi; İslam and Alsan, Mukaddes Emanetler; Şehsuvaroğlu, “Müslümanlığın Mukaddes Emanetleri.”

• 26.    Disse medesimam[en]te al Dragomano, che havevano questi accettate le chi-avi, mà restituite poi p[er] essere ritornate al Rè ringratiandolo di questa sua cortese dimostratane, il che fù detto dall’Amb[asciato]re al Dragomano con riso, dicendogli, che non havevano bene intesa la interpretatione di questo presente, ne volse passar più oltre. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 49, 396b–397a.

• 27.    The bailo notes that he relates these remarks through the mediation of the ambassador’s dragoman. ASVe, Senato, Dispacci Costantinopoli filza 49, 396b.

• 28.    Anonymous, A Chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia, 1: 79–80.

• 29.    Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 191.

• 30.    Erginbaş, “Reappraising Ottoman Religiosity,” 72.

• 31.    Şahin, Empire and Power, 97–100.

• 32.    Sussan Babaie has argued that even though the foundations for the Masjid-i Shah were not laid till 1611, “the reasons for raising such a congregational mosque must have been rooted in the very initial plans for the refashioning of Isfahan as the capital.” As Babaie points out, unlike his predecessors, Shah ʾAbbas did not make any additions to the Great Mosque of Isfahan, the venerated Seljuk mosque that had received some sort of architectural imprint from all of that shah’s predecessors. Rather, he devoted his complete attention to building a new capital city. Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces, 86.

• 33.    Qurʿan, 62:9–10. See also Goitein, “DJuma.”

• 34.    Shah Tahmasp ordered the performing of Friday prayers under his rule, but the practice could never be institutionalized and was enforced only intermittently. During the reign of the same king, Syrian ʾAmili scholars, al-Karaki in particular, encouraged participation in Friday prayer by arguing that a deputy (mujtahid) of the Hidden Imam could lead the prayer; in that case, the ritual could be optional, but not obligatory. During the reign of Shah ʾAbbas, leading religious scholars

concurred that it was “licit but optional.” Abisaab, Converting Persia, esp. 20–22, 37–39, 56, 79–86, 112–114; Stewart, “Notes on the Migration”; Arjomand, Shadow of God, 134–44. In fact, the debate had roots in the tenth century. See Algar, “Emām-e Jomʾa.” For this debate and the various treatises on the issue written in Safavid Iran, see Stewart, “Polemics and Patronage”; Newman, “Fayd al-Kashani.” 35. Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 31–32, 34–35. For Ottoman mosque complexes, see also Goodwin, History of Ottoman Architecture. For the systematic integration of Sunni orthodoxy into Ottoman state identity and its relationship to state-sponsored architecture, including the legal enforcement of Friday prayer, see Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 47–70.

• 36.    Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 320.

• 37.    Peçevi, Tārīḫ- i Peçevī, 1: 320.

• 38.    Necipoğlu, Age of Sinan, 34.

• 39.    Abisaab also shows how ʾAmili theologians came to prominence, with the support of Shah ʾAbbas, after a period in which they had fallen out of favor in the aftermath of Shah Tahmasp’s death. During the reign of Shah ʾAbbas, ʾAmili commentaries on important legal texts were made more accessible through their translation into Persian, which was used effectively to promote and reinforce the Shiʾi tradition not only among the religious elite but also in the daily activities and worship of a wider public. The contents of predominant debates, together with the resulting edicts and rulings by religious scholars on mundane issues indicate a conscious effort for “political control from above and the gradual diffusion of social discipline from below.” Abisaab, Converting Persia, 53–87.

• 40.    For example, Bahaʿi wrote an important treatise in Persian on this. Commissioned by Shah ʾAbbas, this work “made accessible to the court the principles of Imami faith; as such it contributed significantly to the court-sponsored process of the Persianization of Shiʾism.” Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces, 98–99. Friday prayer was not favored by all contemporary theologians. For Bahaʿi and Lutf-Allah, see Newman, “Towards a Reconsideration”; Stewart, “The Lost Biography of Bahaʿ al-Din al- ʾAmili”; Newman, “Fayd al Kashani”; Abisaab, Converting Persia, 53–87.

• 41.    Iskandar Beg Munshi also records that in fact, the chronogram for the laying of the Masjid-i Shah declared: “A second Kaaba has been built.” Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1038–39. Similar to the nearby Lutf-Allah Mosque, Masjid-i Shah’s inscriptions praised God, the Prophet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, and his son-in-law Imam ʾAli, in addition to the remaining Shiʾi imams, from whom Shah ʾAbbas claimed descent. These inscriptions were carefully selected to promote the Twelver Shiʾi orthodoxy instigated by Shah ʾAbbas’s new state. In fact, as Gülru Necipoğlu has noted, rather than Qurʿanic verses, these inscriptions feature disproportionately more prophetic traditions (hadith) such as the famous “I am the city of knowledge and ʾAli is its gate,” which is frequently cited in Shiʾi traditions as attesting to Muhammad’s own designation of ʾAli as his successor. The weaving together of the names of the Fourteen Infallibles with such sayings of the Prophet aimed therefore to announce and clarify Safavid genealogical claims to rulership. As such, the Masjid-i Shah proudly declares Shah ʾAbbas’s position as the protector and propagator of the Twelver Shiʾi faith. The inscriptions have been interpreted here as discussed in Necipoğlu, “Qurʿanic Inscriptions,” 69–104. The inscriptions are given in Hunarfar, Ganjīna, 427–64.

• 42.    Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces, esp. 85–87, 90–98.

• 43.    The inscription is dated 1012/1603–4. Partial translation is in Newman, Sa-favid Iran, 57. Full inscription is given in Hunarfar, Ganjīna, 402. For more on the Lutf-Allah Mosque, see Hunarfar, Ganjīna, 401–15; Hillenbrand, “Safavid Architecture,” 784–86; Blake, Half the World, 147–50; Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces, 85–86.

• 44.    Momen, Shiʾi Islam, 111. For the Masjid-i Shah, see Hillenbrand, “Safavid Architecture,” 786–89; Blake, Half the World, 140–47; Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces.

• 45.    For ʾAbbas’s pilgrimages and patronage of shrines, see esp. Rizvi, “Sites of Pilgrimage”; Canby, Shah ʾAbbas, 186–95; Rizvi, Safavid Dynastic Shrine, 174–85; McChesney, “Waqf and Public Policy”; Melville “Shah ʾAbbas and the Pilgrimage to Mashhad”; Farhat, “Islamic Piety and Dynastic Legitimacy,” 174–229; Soudavar, “A Chinese Dish”; Mawer, “Shah ‘Abbās and the Pilgrimage to Mashhad.”

• 46.    The recent liberation of Mashhad from the Uzbeks, who had raided the shrine there, stripping it of its valuable Safavid additions, is also significant. In 1599, ʾAbbas ordered the persecution of Sunnis in Surkheh, or Simnan, in northwestern Iran. There is also a record of the execution of a local leader (kadkhuda) in Hamadan in 1608, on account of his maltreatment of Shiʾis under his jurisdiction. Shah ʾAbbas punished the Sunnis by other methods as well, for example by excluding them from occasional tax exemptions. Arjomand, Shadow of God, 120–21, 165.

• 47.    Matthee, “Between Venice and Surat.” For the hajj during the early modern era and the Ottoman responsibility of protecting pilgrims, see Faroqhi, Pilgrims and Sultans; Pearson, Pilgrimage to Mecca; Farooqi, “Moguls, Ottomans, and Pilgrims.”

• 48.    Isfahan replaced Qazvin as capital in 1597/98. Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 724. On Shah ʾAbbas’s Isfahan, see Babaie, Isfahan and Its Palaces. See also Babaie et al., Slaves of the Shah, esp. 80–113; Blake, Half the World; McChesney, “Four Sources on Shah Abbas.”

• 49.    ʾAbbas faced opposition on dynastic grounds when he came to power, for his father was still alive. Added to this, a spiritual challenge was initiated by millenarian Sufi movements such as the Nuqtavi, whose “prophetic forecast” predicted new leadership at the beginning of the new millennium. Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs, and Messiahs. For an overview of the reigns of Ismaʾil II (1576–77) and Muḥammad Khudābanda (1578–87), see Newman, Safavid Iran, 41–49; Canby, Golden Age of Persian Art, 81–91.

• 50.    A previous civil war that had broken out following the death of Shah Ismaʾil, between 1524 and 1536, propelled Shah Tahmasp to pursue an alternative military force formed by Circassian, Georgian, and Armenian slaves (ghulam). However, “it was Shah ʾAbbas who fully institutionalized military and domestic slavery and broke with the Safavid tribal and messianic past.” Babaie et al., Slaves of the Shah, 6; see also Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 76–78.

• 51.    ʾAbbas also selectively recruited individual tribal members, referred to as shahsevan, or those who love the shah. The shahsevan had a secular attachment to the shah, distinct from the militant supporters of Shah Ismaʾil, who were expected to have a spiritual attachment, or ṣūfīgārī (conduct suitable for Sufis). Babaie et al., Slaves of the Shah, 7; Minorsky, “Shah-sewan,” 267–68; Roemer, “The Safavid Period,” 214; Momen, Introduction to Shiʾi Islam, 111; Tapper, Frontier Nomads of Iran.

• 52.    For the various units of the army before and after Shah ʾAbbas’s reign, see Haneda, “Army, iii. Safavid Period.” On various occasions, Shah ʾAbbas ordered firearms from Europe, or received them as gifts. For the use and history of firearms during the Safavid period, see Matthee, “Firearms, i. History”; Matthee, “Unwalled Cities,” 389–416. Roger Savory estimates the full army to number about 40,000 soldiers. In addition, Shah ʾAbbas expanded the royal bodyguard to about three thousand officials, formed entirely by the ghulams. For a comparison of Shah ʾAbbas’s slaves to their Ottoman counterparts (kapıkulları), see Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 79–80.

• 53.    In addition to the religious institutions he established, such as the two mosques and the madrasas in the royal square in Isfahan, Shah ʾAbbas endowed pious institutions in honor of the Fourteen Infallibles, which were supported by his entire wealth and income. These included income from the imperial bazaar complex (Qaysariyya), khans and baths in Isfahan, and valuable objects such as rare manuscripts in Arabic with religious content, other literary and historical books in Persian, porcelain, jewels, goldware, and silverware. For these pious endowments and their ideological underpinnings, see McChesney, “Waqf and Public Policy.” Among other architectural expressions of the strong tie between Shah ʾAbbas’s new state and his devotion were a shrine attached to the royal palace in Isfahan and a stone associated with the first Shiʾi imam, ʾAli, which was placed in front of the palace’s gate overlooking the imperial square (ʾAli Qapu). For the shrine, the stone, and the rituals associated with it, see Necipoğlu, “Framing the Gaze,” 309.

• 54.    Necipoğlu identifies commerce as the royal quadrangle’s principal purpose in “Framing the Gaze,” 310.

• 55.    Minorsky, trans. and ed., Tadhkirat Al-Muluk, 14. From the Mongols to the Ottomans, Tabriz and Bursa appeared as two hubs of silk trade and production. For silk trade and production see Inalcık and Quataert, Economic and Social History; Inalcık, “Ḥarīr”; Dalsar, Bursa’da Ipekçilik; Matthee, Politics of Trade, 19.

• 56.    Inalcık, “The Ottoman State,” 228. Selim’s embargo could hardly be maintained on legal grounds, as Halil Inalcık noted.

• 57.    Silk production in Bursa depended on a continuous flow of cheap raw silk from Iran. Inalcık, “The Ottoman State,” 228–29.

• 58.    Bacqué-Grammont, “The Eastern Policy of Süleyman,” 219–28.

• 59.    On their way to Europe, spices and other goods coming from India passed through the Persian Gulf into the Levant. Those lands, including Baghdad and Aleppo, came under Ottoman control in the 1530s. The area around the Ottoman-Safavid border, however, remained mostly under Safavid control until the 1580s. The Istanbul Peace Treaty of 1590 signed between Shah ʾAbbas and Murad III gave the Ottomans definitive territorial authority over Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Shirvan, wherein were major centers of silk production. Gilan and Mazandaran, equally significant centers of silk cultivation, were conquered by ʾAbbas at the end of the sixteenth century. Then, Azerbaijan and Shirvan were reclaimed by the Safavids during the first decade of the seventeenth century, as ʾAbbas reopened the warfront with the Ottomans.

• 60.    Minorsky conceived of ʾAbbas as a mercantilist and a true capitalist. Minorsky, Tadhkirat Al-Muluk, 14. For a critical discussion, see also Matthee, Politics of Trade, 69–74.

• 61.    Steinmann, “Shah ʾAbbas and the Royal Silk Trade,” 68–74; see also Steens-gaard, The Asian Trade Revolution.

• 62.    Matthee, Politics of Trade, 67–68. The shah’s active encouragement of his people to go on pilgrimage to Shiʾi shrines in Iran while banning the hajj is one such measure. The ban was issued in 1618.

• 63.    Gregorian, “Minorities of Isphahan”; Herzig, “The Rise of the Julfa Merchants”; Baghdiantz-McCabe, The Shah’s Silk for Europe’s Silver; Matthee, Politics of Trade, 84–90; Babaie et al., Slaves of the Shah.

• 64.    For a discussion of Armenian merchants’ financing of the Safavid treasury, see Babaie et al., Slaves of the Shah, 49–79.

• 65.    Matthee, Politics of Trade, 77–78.

• 66.    Ferrier, “European Diplomacy of Shah ʾAbbas.”

• 67.    Berchet, Venezia e la Persia, 43–47, 192–93, 197; Gallo, Il Tesoro di S. Marco, 260–61; Casale, “Persian Madonna and Child.”

• 68.    During the Ottoman-Safavid war, Shah ʾAbbas proved extremely successful, recovering almost all the territories he had lost in 1590, including the major centers of silk production in that area. But the lack of a concrete promise from Europe for collective political support, combined with the signing of the OttomanHabsburg peace treaty in 1606, led him to be more aggressive in his quest for diverting the silk route from Anatolia. A mission sent to Spain in 1608, for example, directly expressed this idea to the king. The envoys explained to the king that if he sent ships to Goa on the western coast of India and Hormuz in the Persian Gulf twice a year, both sides would benefit immensely, which would also inflict a heavy blow on the Ottoman economy. The embassy had also brought a very large amount of silk. Even though the shah expected his envoys to sell it in Spain, to see how much profit it would yield, it was presented as a gift to Phillip III. Infuriated, the shah executed the responsible envoy upon his return to Iran. Another embassy to Portugal traveled around the Cape of Good Hope to reach there, in order to demonstrate the feasibility of alternative routes in carrying silk.

• 69.    Yazdī, Tarikh- i ʾAbbāsī, 427; Mustafa Sāfī, Zübdetü’t- tevārīh, 2: 144.

• 70.    Kâtib Çelebi, Fezleke, 1: 448.

• 71.    Mustafa Sāfī, Zübdetü’t- tevārīh, 2: 142; Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1058.

• 72.    Ferrier, “An English View,” 201. See also chapter 3 above.

• 73.    Anonymous, Les Cérémonies de l’entrée, cited in Börekçi, “Factions and Favorites.” I located only one copy of this pamphlet at the Bibliothèque nationale de France.

• 74.    A kind of cotton fabric. Boccassini in Italian comes from bogasī in Turkish. Amanda Phillips describes it as a coarse cotton twill. Phillips, Sea Change, 252.

• 75.    Contarini, “Relazione,” 194. Katip Çelebi summarizes the peace contract (sulhname): Kâtib Çelebi, Fezleke, 1: 449, 460; Mustafa Sāfī, Zübdetü’t- tevārīh, 2: 144; Peçevi, Tārih- i Peçevī, 2: 340; Topçular Katibi Abdülkadir Efendi, Tarih, 2: 602. For the treaty, see Feridun Ahmed Beg, Münşeʾātü’s- selāṭīn, vol. 2; Küpeli, Osmanlı- Safevi Münasebetleri, esp. 89–91.

• 76.    Şah Abbas her sene yüz yük harīr ve yüz yük emtiʾa- i bī- nazīr göndermeğe müteʾaddid iken iki sene mürūr edip göndermemekle ve “Ben harāca mı kesilsem gerek” demekle . . . Naʾīmā, Tārih, 2: 421; Peçevi wrote that according to the treaty

of 1612, Shah ʾAbbas was supposed to send the Ottoman sultan every year two hundred loads of silk, plus one hundred loads of other goods. Peçevi, Tārih- i Peçevī, 2: 340; della Valle, Viaggi di Pietro della Valle.

• 77.    Küpeli wrote that border issues weighed heavier in restarting the war in 1615. Osmanlı- Safevi Münasebetleri, 80.

• 78.    muʾayyen o miḳdār ipek her yıle / yanınca hedayā-yı bīḥad ile. Nādirī, Şehnāme, 28a; Külekçi, “Ganī-zāde Nādirī,” 352.

• 79.    TSMK, H. 1124, 24b–25a. For a discussion of this manuscript and its place within the Ottoman tradition of royal history writing, see Değirmenci, “Resmedilen Siyaset,” esp. 167–72. The entire text of the manuscript has been edited and transliterated in Külekçi, “Ganī-zāde Nādirī.” My references to the text are from Nādirī’s Şehnāme at the Süleymaniye Manuscript Library: Ahmed Paşa 280.

• 80.    Alberti, Viaggio a Costantinopoli, 56–57.

• 81.    yüz yük ipek ve dört fil ve bir gergedan ve baʾzı hedāyā. Kâtib Çelebi, Fezleke, 1: 516.

• 82.    Garāyib hedāyası var cümleden / Getürdi nice pil ile gergedan. Külekçi, “Ganī-zāde Nādirī,” 352.

• 83.    Earlier anthropologists conceived of gifts and commodities as distinct, even diametrically opposed forms of circulation: Gregory, Gifts and Commodities. Others have objected to and revised this strict division, by pointing out, for example, that a commodity “is not one kind of thing rather than another, but one phase in the life of some things.” Appadurai, “Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,” 17. See also Strathern, The Gender of the Gift; Gell, “Inter-tribal Commodity Barter,” 142–68.

• 84.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1026–27.

• 85.    (Ergin) Macaraig, “The Fragrance of the Divine,” 74.

• 86.    Köseoğlu, The Treasury, 207.

• 87.    Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1088.

• 88.    Kacharava, “Archbishops of Alaverdi.”

• 89.    By the time ʾAbbas returned to Iran, Tahmuras had already written to the Ottoman sultan to express his loyalty and to seek protection. The Georgian campaign altogether disturbed the Ottomans, who interpreted it as proof of ʾAbbas’s insincerity for peace. The embassy that brought the crown was accompanied by an Ottoman ambassador who had been held against his will. Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1093–94.

• 90.    The Mughal emperor Jahangir sent artist Bishn Das to document the embassy’s experience and reception by the shah. His paintings inspired numerous copies into the nineteenth century. See Canby, Shah ʾAbbas, cats. 19–21.

• 91.    The falcon is mentioned in the letter from ʾAbbas to Jahangir: Islam, IndoPersian Relations, 1: 190. For ʾAbbas’s gifts to Jahangir, Eskandar Beg Monshi, Shah ʾAbbas the Great, 2: 1172.

• 92.    Here, I follow Igor Kopytoff’s definition of commodity, as “a thing that has use value and that can be exchanged in a discrete transaction for a counterpart,” in “Cultural Biography,” 68.

• 93.    BOA, KK 667, 28, cited and summarized in Ünyay, “Hediye ve Hediye-leşme,” 225. For the fragrant herb tefarik (Pogostemon patchouli), see Abdülaziz Bey, Osmanlı Âdet, Merasim ve Tabirleri, 555.

• 94.    For Ottoman-Safavid relations after 1639, see Güngörürler, “Diplomacy and Political Relations.”

• 95.    TSMA, D5903r, unpaginated. Since this document concerns only the horses to be drawn from the imperial stables, the sultan’s gift might have included other items.

Epilogue

• 1.    Barry, “Walking on Water,” 646.

• 2.    Mauss, The Gift, 3.

• 3.    Cecily Hilsdale advances this distinction between the dominant anthropological approach on the one hand, and an art historical one, in “Gift.”

• 4.    Bataille, The Accursed Share, 69; Mauss, The Gift: Expanded Edition, 182.

• 5.    Ingold, “Materials against Materiality.”

• 6.    The Treasury Section of the museum is appropriately located where the Inner Treasury of the Topkapı Palace used to be. For the history of that building, constructed by Mehmed II, see Necipoğlu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power, 124–41; Necipoğlu, “Spatial Organization of Knowledge.”

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^                 ^

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Index

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Note: page numbers in italics refer to figures.

Abarqūh, 40, 249n26

ʾAbbas the Great, Shah, 5–6, 261n56, 273n44, 274n57, 276nn17–19, 277n32, 278nn39–41, 279nn49–51, 280nn52–53, 280n59, 281–82n76, 282n91; ascension of, 149; birth city, 182; and capital city, 277n32; and commerce, 193; and diplomacy, 175–216; and firearms, 280n52; gifts from, 87, 157, 160–66, 175–79, 183– 93, 195, 200–221, 231–32, 235–36; gifts received, 200; and Haydar Mirza, 149–50, 151, 156, 167, 169; and Isfahan as capital, 190, 279n48; as mercantilist and capitalist, 280n60; and mosques, 280n53; opposition to, 279n49; and peace, 280n59, 281n68, 282n89; and pilgrimages, 279n45; and prayers, 188–89, 278n34, 278n40; and punishment of Sunnis, 279n46; and religious reforms, 188–89; and shahsevan, 279n51; and silk, 194–200; and slavery, 279n50, 280n52; and theologians, 278n39; and war, 193–95, 200,

214; and world empire, 193–94; and world making, 207–16

ʾAbd al-Kadir Gilani, 49 ʾAbd-Allah Hātifī, 272n25

Abdalvahhab (ʾAbd al-Vahhab), Sayyid Nuruddin, ambassador, 61–63, 101, 254–55n99

Abdülaziz Bey, 283n93

Abu Hanifa, 42, 49

Achaemenid palace complex, 264n2

Afushtah-i Naṭanzī, Mahmud, 167, 273n40

Ahmad, Khan, 167, 169, 273nn44–45

Ahmed Beg, Head Chancellor, ambassador, 45–46, 52–53; favors presented to, 223–24

Ahmed I, Sultan, 173, 200, 208, 274n56

aigrettes, gilded/jeweled, with feathers, 86, 100, 102, 156

ʾAlam, Khan, ambassador, 212, 213

Aleppo, 198, 200, 280n59

al-Ghawrī, Sultan, 50

ʾAli ibn Abi Talib, Imam, 12, 35, 43, 56– 57, 72, 74, 86–89, 105–6, 162, 187, 220, 261n62, 278n41

Ali Pasha, 78, 258n32 al-Karaki, ʾAli, 278n34

Alvand, Aq Qoyunlu Prince, 251n51

Amīnī Haravī, Amīr Ṣadr al-Dīn

Ibrāhīm, 40, 42

Amir Khusrau Dihlavi, 20

Amīr Shāhī Sabzavarī, 275n4

Angiolello, Giovan/Giovanni Maria, 31–32, 35, 248n16

anthropology: and art, 283n3; and gifts, 117, 220, 282n83

Appendix to the Events of Sultan Süleyman. See Ẓafernāme (Loḳmān)

Aqa Mirak, 68, 89

Aq Qoyunlu, 41, 61, 190, 250n36, 251n47, 251n51, 251–52n54

architecture: and state identity, 256n11, 278n35, 280n53; and Sunni orthodoxy, 256n11, 278n35

Ardabil, 274n2

Ardeveli, Signor. See Ismaʾil, Shah ʾĀrif Çelebi (ʾĀrifī), 112, 118, 119, 121– 22, 122, 126, 265n14, 266n35, 267n44

Arjomand, Said Amir, 193, 244n5, 244n7, 257n16, 279n46

art: and agency, 220, 246n39, 270n4;

and anthropology, 283n3; comparison of Ottoman and Safavid, 265n8; and diplomacy, 33; and economics, 178, 218; and gifts, 2, 20, 23, 28, 33, 105, 118, 212; and history, 212, 220; Islamic, 17–18; and old masters, 264n112; and politics, 218; and power, 265n11; and religion, 7; and rivalry, 118; Safavid, 77, 96, 105, 264n112, 265n8; and visual polarization, 6–7. See also iconography

audience hall of Darius I, Apadana, Persepolis, Iran, 114– 15

Badi-al-Zaman Mirza, 60

Baghdad, 12, 49, 73, 108, 155, 186, 188, 214, 274n57, 280n59

Bahaʿi, Shaikh, 190, 278n40

Bāḳī, 155, 156, 271n8, 271n11

Bali Beg, ambassador, 48

Battle of Chaldiran, 31–33, 32, 53, 60–62, 65, 96, 183–84, 197, 222, 247n2,

252n69, 254n98, 254–55n99, 255n106

Bayezid, Prince, 81; kaftan, 84

Bayezid I, Sultan, 57, 249n25

Bayezid II, Sultan, 33, 36–37, 41–42, 44–55, 57, 81, 248–49n20, 249n25, 251n46, 252n55; book of imperial donations, 51; gifts received, 49, 53, 62, 99; portrait of, 36

Baysunghur Mirza, Prince, 91

Beloved of Careers (Khvāndamīr), 37 belts, 42, 44, 51, 62–64, 102, 104–6, 222; inscribed with name of Shah Ismaʾil, 63, 222; ivory, ornamented with gold, rubies, and turquoise stones, 104– 5

bezoar stones, 133, 162, 178–79, 201–2, 207, 212, 214, 268nn65–66; with case and stand, 202

Bidlīsī, Idrīs-i, 254n89

Bidlīsī, Şükrī-i, 58

Bishn Das, 213, 282n90

bishop mitre, Alaverdi, Kakheti, 17th century, 211

bitumen, as drug, 263n95 blasphemy, 74, 190, 244n10

Book of Alexander, 20, 144

Book of King of the House of Osman. See Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman (Loḳmān); Shāhnāma- i āl- i ʾOsmān

Book of Kings (epic poem). See Shah-nama of Shah Tahmasp (Tahmasp)

Book of Kings of Ismaʾil. See Shāhnā-ma- i Ismāʾīl (Qāsimī)

Book of Kings of Sultan Mehmed III. See Şehnāme- i Sultan Mehmed- i Sālis (Talikizade)

Book of Kings of Sultan Selim. See Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān (Loḳmān)

Book of Süleyman. See Süleymānnāme (ʾĀrifī)

Book of the King of Kings. See Şe-hinşehnāme (Loḳmān)

Book of Treasury of the Conquest of Ganja. See Kitāb- ı Gencīne- i Feth- i Gence (Rahimizade Ibrahim Çavuş) books: as gifts, 86–87, 89, 120, 133, 145, 160–63, 178, 217; and jeweled bindings, 62, 64, 85, 87, 89, 96, 133. See

also illuminated manuscripts

books of kings. See şehnāmes (books of kings)

Bostan Çelebi, 64–65

bows and arrows, 50, 100, 133, 162, 184

Bukhara, 59

Bursa, 45, 47, 50, 197–98, 214, 251n51, 280n55, 280n57

Busbecq, Ogier Ghiselin de, ambassador, 121–22

Caliari, Gabriele, 195, 198

caliphs, 4, 12, 41, 55–56, 72, 74–75, 78, 92, 94, 121, 128, 163, 188, 193, 244nn9–10, 257n13, 262n80

calligraphy, 2, 20, 87–89, 106, 133, 256n2, 261n68, 263n92; albums (muraqqaʾ), 12, 144, 160–61, 178, 235; and illumination, 88; as most supreme form of artistic expression, 88

campaign monograph (gazanama), 275n10

candlesticks, 100, 162

cannibalism, 250n29

Capello, Giovanni Battista, 103–4

Capello, Girolamo, ambassador, 180, 182–85, 235

carpets, 6–8, 9– 11, 9–14, 20–23, 21– 22, 25, 28, 40, 77, 96, 106, 144, 160–63, 178–79, 196, 201, 203–4, 206, 212, 214, 218, 220, 247nn53–55; Persian, 13, 161; silk, 3, 80, 86, 100, 133, 184, 199, 214, 268–69n67

Celali Rebellions, 185

Celalzade Mustafa, 188, 244n9, 264n117, 266n24

ceremonial horse headgear, Turkey, 17th century, 215

Chaldiran Battle. See Battle of Chaldiran

Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 75

Chronicle of the Szigetvár Campaign

(Feridun Ahmed Beg), 69, 126

Chulavi, Husain Kia. See Kia, Husain circumcision, 14, 20, 28, 137, 144–45, 162, 245n26

Colóquios dos simples (de Orta), 133

commerce: and diplomacy, 176, 205, 212; and globalized economy, 29;

and imperial politics, 219; and legitimacy and power, 193; and politics, 194, 219; and religion, 194; as royal quadrangle’s principal purpose, 280n54; and Shah ʾAbbas, 193; and state, 193; and transaction, 200 commodities, gifts as, 3, 150, 195, 205,

212, 270n4, 282n83, 283n92

Community of Artists and Artisans of Istanbul, 179

competition: and cultural exchanges, 2, 17, 27, 180, 219–20; and economics, 197

conflict: and injustice, 74–75; and peace, 33–34; and scandal, 33–

34. See also dispute, and peace; Ottoman-Safavid conflict and rivalry

Constantinople. See Istanbul

(Constantinople)

Contarini, Francesco, 35

Contarini, Paulo, 144

Contarini, Simon, 201

Correr, Giovanni, 1–2, 132–34, 243n1, 268n62, 268–69n67

“Court of Gayumars, The,” 67, 91, 96;

folio, 66, 97; as greatest of all Iranian paintings, 256n1

crises: dynastic, 28, 81, 107; and scandal, 33

Cristofano dell’Altissimo, 34

cultural exchanges. See gifts; Ottoman-

Safavid cultural exchanges

cup, with lansquenet, gilded silver, enamel, 52

Darius I, King, 55, 61, 114–15

De Bruijn, Cornelis, 192

decorum: of gifts, 163; and scandal, 28, 31–65

dedicatory rosette (folio), 91, 92

de Orta, Garcia, 133

dervish: Kalenderi, 248–49n20; seated, wearing felt hat and long-sleeved cloak, holding prayer beads, 59;

staff, steel, 59

diplomacy: and art, 33; and commerce, 176, 205, 212; and early modern art, 33; insolent, and decorous gifts, 44– 53; international, 2; and religion, 2; and trade, 177–78, 195; and transaction, 29, 176–216. See also gifts: diplomatic

dispute, and peace, 166–69. See also conflict

dissidents, 44

Dust Muhammad, 67, 87, 96

economics: and art, 178, 218; and competition, 197; and cultural exchanges /gifts, 219; globalized, 29; and politics, 205; and trade, 108

Edirne, 61, 69, 77–81, 86, 109, 189, 258n28

Eğri (Erlau) campaign, 170–71, 180, 275n10

elegance: and power, 180; of sultan’s court, 81. See also ornament

elephants, 179, 203–6, 212, 218

emperor’s carpet, Iran, 16th century, 8, 10– 11

Erlau campaign. See Eğri (Erlau) campaign

Erzurum, 77–78, 152–53, 230, 258n32

Eskandar Beg Monshi. See Iskandar Beg Munshi

Essai sur le don (Mauss), 17–18, 27, 113– 14, 114, 219, 248n8, 270n5

Essence of Events, The (Mustafa ʾĀlī), 187 etiquette, of gifts, 14, 29, 42, 47, 178–79, 185

falcons, 28, 78, 100, 212, 218, 230, 282n91 Faridun, 55, 61, 68

Farrukhzād Beg, envoy, 121, 122, 266n30 Fathi Beg, ambassador, 198–200 fatwas (legal opinions/judicial rulings), 5, 55, 57, 72, 244n9, 253nn75–76

Fażlī Khuzānī, 266n30

felts, 59, 80, 100, 133, 144, 161–62, 230

Ferdinand I, Archduke, 75, 118

Ferhad Pasha, 152, 158, 270n1, 273n36 Feridun Ahmed Beg, 57, 69, 79, 83–84, 87, 89, 126, 252n70, 267n39, 272n34

Festival Book, The. See Sūrnāme- i Hümāyūn

Fethullah ʾĀrif Çelebi. See ʾĀrif Çelebi (ʾĀrifī)

Firdausi, 89, 91, 93–96, 98, 100, 116–18, 144, 160, 265n13

firearms, 194, 254–55n99, 258n34, 280n52. See also weapons

Foscolo, Andrea, 49–50

Futūḥāt- i Humāyūn, 187

Futūḥāt- i Shāhī (Amīnī Haravī), 40, 250n31

Ganjavī, Niẓāmī, 144, 160

Gayumars, King, 66, 67

gazanama genre (campaign monograph), 275n10

Gelibolulu Mustafa ʾĀlī. See Mustafa ʾĀlī (Gelibolulu)

Gerlach, Stephan, 268n53

Gift, The (Mauss), 17–18, 27, 113–14, 114, 219, 248n8, 270n5

gifts: of affection, 42–44; agency of, 18, 105, 109, 111, 117, 175, 177, 218, 220; as agonistic, 33, 53–54, 248n8; and anima of objects, 18; and anthropology, 117, 220, 282n83; and art, 2, 20, 23, 28, 33–34, 105, 118, 212; astounding, 183; asymmetries of, 27, 28; boundless, 178–81; ceremonial, 220; cold, 60–65; as commodities, 3, 150, 195, 205, 212, 270n4, 282n83, 283n92; and competitive interaction, 17; conspicuous, 123–36; countless, 160; cross-cultural exchanges of, as historical concept, 248n8; in cross-cultural interactions, role of, 246n42; curious, 205; decorous, 53–54; decorum of, 163; diplomatic, 2, 13–14, 17, 23–25, 33–34, 42, 44–45, 60, 72, 122, 176–78, 183, 195, 198, 200, 205, 207– 16, 266n21; distinct rhythms of, 218; and economics, 219; etiquette of, 14, 29, 42, 47, 178–79, 185; and events, 245n26; exceptional cases of, 28;

in excess, 136–47; extravagance of, 133; and globalized economy, 29; inalienable and priceless, 218; and

inalienable possessions, 262n77; instrumentality of, 177; insulting and offensive, 31–33, 44, 49, 183, 188; invisible, 33, 118–22; as itemized things/objects, 161; and law, 219; lost and indiscernible, and challenge of, 3, 16–17, 20–25, 28, 33–34, 216– 18, 220; materiality of, 218; mobility and global circulation of, 16, 18, 27, 33, 216, 217; and new histories of art, 28; perfect, as illusions, 237; and politics, 2, 14, 27, 28, 218–19; and power, 28–29, 177–78, 206, 220; and prestation, distinction between, 246n40; and ranks of givers/receiv-ers, 14–15; and religion, 2, 14, 27, 218–19; as ritualized, 14; scandalous, 183, 218–19; and servitude, 129, 164, 179; shadows of, 16–19, 27; as signs of obedience and submission, 163– 64, 174–75; social context of, 14–15, 17; and stories about the past, 216; and subjugation, 132; and submission, 28, 163–64, 174–75, 218–19;

symbolism of, 111; theatrical, 28; as tools for political persuasion, 145; and trade, 177–78; as tributes, 14, 126, 127, 136, 140, 204, 206, 219– 20; ubiquity of, 17; uncouth, 57; uniqueness of, 133; and warfare, 2; and world making, 207–16. See also Ottoman-Safavid cultural exchanges; and specific gift(s)

Gifts of the Sultan (exhibition), 17, 24, 26, 246n42, 261n60

Gilan, 167, 169, 273n46, 274n47, 280n59 Giustiniani, Nicolò, 62 globalized economy, 29

gold case, encrusted with emeralds and rubies, 210

gratitude, 237, 241

Great Mosque of Isfahan. See Masjid-i Shah

Grimani, Marino, Doge, 195, 198, 200 Gulistān- i Hunar (Qāżī Aḥmad), 89 Gunābādī, Muhammad Qāsim. See

Qāsimī (Muhammad Qāsim Gunābādī)

Ḥabīb al- Siyar (Khvāndamīr), 37, 249n25

Habsburg monarchy, 7, 15–16, 75, 79–80, 118, 121, 144, 152, 156, 169, 270–71n7, 275n10, 281n68

Hafiz, 144, 160, 178, 231, 235

Hagia Sophia (Byzantine church), 79 hagiography, 257n17

Hamza Mirza, Prince, 270n93

Hasan Beg, 50, 225

Ḥasan Beg Rūmlū, 49, 249n26, 250n31, 250–51n41, 257n26

Hasan Pasha, 156–57

Haydar, Shaikh, 86

Haydar Mirza, Prince, 151, 153– 55, 165, 186, 272n25; as captive, 193–94; death of, 169–76, 178, 181, 276n14; favors given to, 176, 233–34; in foreign land, 152–57; and gifts, 29, 147, 149–76, 176, 231–34; as hostage, 185, 193–94, 276n14; and peacemaking, 149–50, 152; as Persian prince, 174; and Safavid obedience, 29; and sultan, 163–66

headdress/headgear/headpiece, 42– 44, 58–59, 62, 86, 91, 94, 100, 156, 211, 214, 217, 244n6, 261n56

heretics, 5, 54–55, 57, 60–62, 74–75, 80, 118, 121, 146, 162, 188, 190, 200, 214

heron, feathers of, 100, 102, 133, 156, 162

horse headgear, ceremonial, Turkey, 17th century, 215

Houghton, Arthur, 68

Houghton Shahnameh (Dickson and Welch), 67, 256n2, 256n8

Husain, Imam, 12

Husain Ali Beg, 198

Husain Baiqara, Sultan, 60

İbn Kemal. See Kemalpaşazade (İbn Kemal)

Ibrahim I, Sultan, 76

Ibrahim Khan, ambassador, 144, 146

Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizier, 65, 180 iconography, 7, 12, 25, 94, 105, 113, 174, 239, 262n80, 267n46

identity: and architecture, 256n11, 278n35; and power, 24; state, 256n11, 278n35

ideological difference, and politics, 6 Ildīrīm. See Bayezid II, Sultan illuminated manuscripts, 20, 87–88, 91, 113, 160, 265n13

Imam Reza Shrine complex, 182 Imperial Festival Book. See Sūrnāme- i

Hümāyūn

infidels, 72, 190, 244n9, 259n39

In Search of Lost Time (Proust), 217 Ionian delegation, tribute procession, 114

Isfahan, as capital, 190, 279n48 Iskandar Beg Munshi, 15, 110, 169, 179, 182, 190, 201, 210–12, 270–71n6, 276nn18–20, 278n41

İskendernāme, 20, 144

Islamic empires, 16, 29; in war and peace, 72–77

Ismaʾil, Shah, 31–41, 34, 44–46, 48–51, 55–58, 60–61, 67, 72–73, 86, 89, 94, 96, 161, 248n11, 248n14, 248–49n20, 249n27, 250n31, 250n36, 251nn46–47, 252n55, 254–55n99, 274n57; accession and enthronement of, 41; belt, 63, 222; as charismatic, 4–5, 31, 35; death of, 279n50, 279n51; as founder of Safavid dynasty, 4, 31, 183; gifts from, 32–33, 44, 49, 53, 57, 62, 64–65, 183, 188, 218, 222; gifts received, 33, 37, 42, 44, 49–52, 51, 183, 188, 221–22, 223–24; as god-king, 252n69; heterodox messianic movement, 73; and militarism, 244n5; as new prophet, 35; persecution of Sunnis, 250n39; portrait of, 34; pot, 222; and religious conversion, promotion of, 248n9; remittance in installments to, 225–28; as self-professed god-king/messiah, 34–37, 252n69; as Sufi spiritual guide, 34; as Twelfth Imam, 4; and war, 31, 33, 48–50, 53–54, 57–58, 60, 216; wife taken captive, 259n38

Ismaʾil II, 279n49

Istanbul (Constantinople): as capital, 3, 34; gifts in, 176, 184, 205, 216, 222; imperial power and majesty displayed in, 78; military and political events in, 266n33; reception protocols in, 77

Istanbul Peace Treaty (1590), 166, 169, 179, 181–82, 193, 280n59

Italian velvet kaftan, early 16th century, 47

Izmir, 198

Jahangir, Emperor, 209, 212, 282nn90–91

Jāmī, 20, 42, 160

jeweled book bindings, 62, 64, 85, 87, 89, 96, 133

jewels, 14, 31, 42, 64, 82, 98, 100

jīqa or jigha (turban ornament), 100, 217

judicial rulings. See fatwas (legal opin-ions/judicial rulings)

jug with lid, gilded silver, c. 1500, 46

Kaempfer, Engelbert, 104, 263nn103–4 kaftans, 47, 82–83, 84, 85

Karacadağ, 273n39

Karaçelebizade Abdülaziz, 277n24

Karbala, 12, 73, 186, 214, 273n45

Katip Çelebi, 200, 204–5, 281n75

Kemalpaşazade (İbn Kemal), 248n19, 252n55, 253nn75–76

Kerman, 23, 100, 179, 230, 236, 247n55 keys: of fortresses, 177, 186, 277n25;

gold and silver, 177, 182–86, 277n24; and imams, 86–193; to Kaaba in

Mecca, 184, 277n25; and offerings of territory, 184; twelve, as gifts from Shah ʾAbbas, 177, 183–93, 208, 216, 218, 221

khamsa (quintet), 20, 100, 101, 103, 144, 160–61

Khāqānī, 160–61

khilat or khilʾa (robes of honor), 15, 42, 44, 46, 47, 62, 82, 121, 159, 167, 185, 245n29, 276n18

Khudābanda, Muḥammad, Shah, 20,

23, 136–37, 141, 143, 144, 162–63, 174, 270n93, 279n49

Khurasan, 23, 49, 60, 100, 144, 161–62, 169, 179, 182–83, 230, 236, 247n55, 255n108, 274n2, 276n17, 277n24

Khusrau, Kay, King, 101; coronation and enthronement of, 100, 101, 103

Khvāndamīr, Ghiyās al-Dīn b. Humām al-Dīn Ḥusaīnī, 37, 41–42, 45, 53, 160–61, 249n25

Kia, Husain, 37, 39–41, 44, 249n26, 250n30

Kitāb- ı Gencīne- i Feth-i Gence (Ra-himizade Ibrahim Çavuş), 150, 151, 152, 153, 160, 164, 165, 270n1

ḳızılbāş. See qizilbash or ḳızılbāş (redheads)

knife, steel, with handle of carved walrus tusk ivory, 52, 252n64

Korkud, Prince, 47, 50

Krug, Ludwig, 52

Künhü’l-Aḫbār (Mustafa ʾĀlī), 187

Kurra, Muhammad, 37, 40, 44, 249n26, 250nn30–31

largesse, and transaction, 212

legal opinions. See fatwas (legal opin-ions/judicial rulings)

leopards, as gifts, for hunting, 162 lidded cup with lansquenet, gilded silver, enamel, 52

Loḳmān, Seyyīd, 70, 110, 124, 125–34, 129, 130, 135, 136, 138–39, 141, 142, 143, 146, 156–57, 157, 159, 161, 166, 171, 172, 175, 266–67n35, 267n44, 268n53, 268nn62–63, 271nn12–14, 272nn28–29

Lorck, Melchior, 76

Lutf-Allah, Shaikh, 190

Lutf-Allah Mosque. See Shaikh Lutf-Allah Mosque, Isfahan

madrasas, 190, 192, 280n53

Mahdiquli Khan, ambassador, 152, 157– 58, 167, 273n40

majesty, and imperial power, 78

Malik Dailami, Maulana, 98, 263n92

Mantash, 44

Maqṣūd Khān, ambassador, 137, 140, 143–44

Mashhad, 169, 182, 192–93, 277n24, 279n46

Masjid-i Shah, 7, 190–92, 277n32, 278n41, 279n44

Mauss, Marcel, 17–18, 27, 113–14, 219, 248n8, 270n5

Maydan-i Naqsh-i Jahan, Isfahan, 191– 93, 192

Mazandaran, 40, 169, 280n59

Mede delegation, tribute procession, 115 Mehmed, Prince, 20, 54–55, 137, 162, 270n93

Mehmed Agha, 257n27, 270n1

Mehmed I, Sultan, 271n14

Mehmed II, Sultan, 248n16, 248–49n20, 283n6

Mehmed III, Sultan, 137, 177–81, 181, 274n57, 275n10; accession and enthronement of, 170–71, 170, 173– 75, 177–78, 276n17; gifts received, 177–80, 185–86, 235–36, 269n77; succeeded, 173

minarets, 5, 55

Mir Makhdum, 193

Mīrzā, Khan, 110

mitre (bishop), Alaverdi, Kakheti, 17th century, 211

Moro, Giovanni, 160, 166–67 mosques, 5–6, 41, 55, 72–73, 79, 108, 188–93, 210, 257n24, 258n36, 277n32, 278n35, 280n53. See also specific mosque(s)

Muhammad, Prophet, 41, 55–56, 91, 95; death of, 4; fragrances favored by, and olfactory persona of ruler, 209; kinship and lineage of, 4, 6, 55, 61, 72, 74, 87, 94, 128, 186–87, 244n9, 253n72, 254n89, 262n78, 265n15, 267n50, 278n41; sword, 267n50

Muhammad Haravi, 83

Muhammad-quli Beg Arabgirlu, ambassador, 177, 182, 185

Muhammed Çavuş Balaban, ambassador, 37, 40–42, 44–45

mumia or mumie/mūmiyā (drug), 100, 102–5, 161–62, 178–79, 217, 263n95, 263n99, 263n103

Murad Beg, 40, 250nn27–29

Murad III, Sultan, 116–17, 126–27, 130– 31, 134–37, 136, 149, 154, 156–57, 164– 66, 165, 171–72, 174, 266n33, 269n77; accession and enthronement of, 127–28, 161, 171, 171, 276n17; as caliph, 128; death of, 274n57, 276n17; gifts received, 20, 23, 128– 32, 134–36, 135, 144, 152, 160–62, 164, 176, 231–32, 268n63, 270n1, 270n93; and peace, 207, 280n59; piety of, 267n50; and war, 2, 136, 162; and world dominion, 267n50; as world emperor, 127

Murad IV, Sultan, 214

Murad Khan, Sultan, 156, 271n11

Murad Pasha, Grand Vizier, 207–9 muraqqaʾ. See calligraphy: albums (muraqqaʾ)

Mustafa ʾĀlī (Gelibolulu), 20, 58–59, 144, 164, 166, 187, 267n44, 272n33

Mustafa I, Sultan, 214

Mustafa Sāfī, 201

Nādirī, Ganizāde, 203, 204–6 Nahavand, 166, 167, 185, 273n43

Najaf, 12, 73, 186, 214, 273n45, 274n57 Nakkaş ʾOsmān, 127, 266n35, 266–67n36 Nakşi, Ahmed, 215

Niẓāmī Ganjavī, 100, 101, 103, 144, 160– 61, 178, 272n25

Nüzhetü’l- esrārü’l- aḫbār der Sefer- i Sīgetvār (Feridun Ahmed Beg), 69, 126

opium, as gift, 32, 57–58, 183, 218 Orhan, Sultan, 271n14

ornament: and carpets, 77; of courtyard in imperial palace, 157; and power, 179–80; of soldiers, 78. See also elegance

Osman, Sultan, 271n14

Osman II, Sultan, 202, 214, 215

Ottoman Empire, 1, 3–5, 34, 73, 156, 163, 193–94, 205

Ottoman-Habsburg peace treaty (1606), 281n68

Ottoman-Habsburg war, 169, 270–71n7, 275n10

Ottoman-Safavid conflict and rivalry, 2, 17, 27, 74–75, 94, 95, 110–11, 118, 166, 188, 192, 195, 197, 205, 219–21, 244n10. See also Ottoman-Safavid relations

Ottoman-Safavid cultural exchanges, 17, 25, 27, 37, 42, 49, 65, 110–11, 113– 18, 145–47, 166, 176–79, 183, 195–97, 200, 205, 216–22; as case study, 15; as competitive and discordant, 28; from decorous to agonistic, 53–54; as dialogue, 2, 20, 31–34, 60, 117, 177, 216, 220–21, 270n5; etiquette for, 29, 185; historical background and cultural landscape of, 3–13; rituals of, 14–16; shadows of, 16–19; significant role that objects played in, 1–2; volume and traffic of, 20. See also gifts

Ottoman-Safavid peace, 73, 107, 121, 123, 149–50, 152, 162–63, 166, 169, 181, 185, 188, 193, 200, 205, 207–8

Ottoman-Safavid relations, 17, 33, 113, 145, 166, 183, 218–19, 273n45, 283n94. See also Ottoman-Safavid conflict and rivalry

Ottoman-Safavid wars, 2, 13, 31, 33, 54– 56, 60, 72, 109, 117–18, 136, 145, 147, 162, 176, 189, 194–95, 197, 200, 207, 210, 216, 254–55n99, 281n68

Özbeg Khān, 50

Pacific walrus, at Cape Peirce, 52 pānzahr. See bezoar stones peace: and conflict, 33–34; and dispute, 166–69; Islamic empires in, 72–77; and nature, 67; and scandal, 33–34. See also Ottoman-Safavid peace

Peace of Amasya (1555), 73–75, 121, 123, 163, 207, 263n108, 264n117

Peçevi (Peçuyi), Ibrahim, 170, 264n117, 281n76

Pigafetta, Marc’Antonio, 80, 82–83, 87, 258n29, 260n43, 261n68

pilgrimage routes: safety of, 108–9, 192–93, 264n117; and trade, 108

Piyale Pasha, 79, 258n33

politics: and art, 218; and commerce, 194, 219; and economics, 205; and gifts, 2, 14, 27, 28, 145, 218–19; and ideological difference, 6; and power, 25; and religion, 194; transformation in court, 123

porcelain, 14, 100, 201, 204, 206–7, 212, 218, 280n53

power: and art, 265n11; changing balances of, 69; competitive shows of, 180; and elegance, 180; and gifts, 28–29, 177–78, 206, 220; global, 75; and identity, 24; and influence, 75, 194; of king, 114, 163, 205; and majesty, 78; and ornament, 179–80; and politics, 25

Qara Ahmad, ambassador, 167, 273n43 Qarajadāgh, 273n39

Qāsimī (Muhammad Qāsim Gunābādī), 37, 38, 39, 250n27

Qāżī Aḥmad Ghaffārī Qazvīnī, 40, 250n28

Qāżī Aḥmad Qummī, 89, 98, 106, 257n26, 261n67

Qāżī Kuchak Musharraf, 98

Qazvin: as capital, 263n108, 279n48;

garden-palace in, 81, 106, 263n108 qizilbash (devotee-soldiers), 4, 50, 53,

72–73, 146, 179–80, 193–94, 244n6, 244n9

qizilbash (headgear), 94, 244n6

qizilbash or ḳızılbāş (redheads), 35, 78–79, 94, 157, 200, 244n6, 259n39, 271n12

Quintessence of Histories, The. See Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ (Loḳmān)

quintet. See khamsa (quintet)

Quli Agha, Shah, 57–58, 69, 72, 77– 86, 98, 108, 257nn26–27, 259n41, 260n43

Qurʿan: fragment, 88, 261n60; as gift, 3, 86–89, 160, 162, 178, 184, 268n61; illuminated, 87, 126, 133, 160

Rahimizade Ibrahim Çavuş, Harimī, 151, 153, 164, 165, 270n1, 272n19

redheads. See qizilbash or ḳızılbāş (redheads)

Relazione (Correr), 1–2

religion: and art, 7; and commerce,

194; and diplomacy, 2; and gifts, 2, 14, 27, 218–19; and influence, 108;

and kingship, 6; and politics, 194;

and rulership, 12; and salvation, 91;

and state, 190; and trade, 108

rhinoceros, 203–6, 212

rivalry. See Ottoman-Safavid conflict

and rivalry

Riza, Imam, 182, 192–93

robes of honor. See khilat or khilʾa

(robes of honor)

Rose Garden of Art (Qazi Ahmad), 89

Royal Conquests, 187

Royal Victories (Amīnī Haravī), 40, 250n31

Rudolph II, Holy Roman Emperor, 152

Rüstem Pasha, Grand Vizier, 72

saddles, 31, 42, 63, 82, 100, 133, 162,

204, 214, 276n18

Saʾdī, 178

Safavid ambassador, on horseback, 8,

168

Safavid dynasty, 4, 6, 13, 31, 183–84, 205

Safavid young prince, wearing figural brocade coat, 83

Ṣafī al-Dīn, Shaikh, 37, 192, 202, 257n17

Ṣafvat al- Ṣafā, 257n17

Santos, Emmanuel de, 185–86

Sanudo, Marino, 48, 252n57, 254–55n99 scandal: and conflict, 33–34; and crises, 33; and decorum, 28, 31–65; and gift exchanges, 218–19; and peace, 33–34

Şehinşehnāme (Loḳmān), 127–47, 129– 31, 135, 136, 138–39, 141, 142, 143, 146, 171, 174, 175, 266n33, 269n79

Şehnāme (Nādirī), 203, 204–6

şehnāmeci. See shahnama genre (şehnā-meci or shāhnāmagūy)

Şehnāme- i Āl- i ʾOsman (Loḳmān), 156– 57, 157, 160, 265n13, 271nn12–18

Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān (Loḳmān), 69, 70– 71, 85–87, 89, 100, 110, 110, 125, 127–29, 133, 144, 172

Şehnāme- i Sultan Mehmed- i Sālis (Talikizade), 180, 181

şehnāmes (books of kings), 113, 117, 123, 125–27, 135, 140–46, 175, 266n33

Selaniki Mustafa Efendi, 78–79, 134, 169–70, 179–81, 257–58n27, 258– 59n38, 273nn44–45, 274n2, 276n17, 277n22, 277n24

Selim, Prince, 48, 53

Selim I, Sultan, 5, 31, 72, 96, 171, 183, 197, 216, 222, 253n75

Selim II, Sultan, 12, 32–33, 53–58, 60–62, 64, 72, 84, 86, 108, 125–27, 255n106; accession and enthronement of, 28, 68–69, 106, 125, 161, 171–72, 172, 229–30, 257n27; as Caliph of God, 55; gifts from, 188; gifts received, 28, 68–69, 69– 71, 77, 89–90, 96, 98, 100, 102, 105, 125, 152, 160–62, 188, 217, 229–30, 259n39; and peace, 77, 90, 96; portrait of, 54; Tahmasp’s letter to, 105–11; and war, 54–58

Selimiye Mosque, Edirne, 189

Seydi Beg, ambassador, 49 Shabankareh, 133 Shahimquli Khalifa, 152 Shahinshāhnamā. See Şehinşehnāme

(Loḳmān)

shahnama genre (şehnāmeci or shāhnāmagūy), 97, 127, 144, 265n13

shāhnāmagūy. See shahnama genre (şehnāmeci or shāhnāmagūy)

Shāhnāma- i āl- i ʾOsmān, 98

Shāhnāma- i Ismāʾīl (Qāsimī), 37–39, 38, 39, 249–50n27

Shāhnāma- i Salīm Khān. See Şehnāme- i Selīm Ḫān (Loḳmān)

Shāhnāma- i Shāhī. See Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp (Tahmasp)

Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp (Tahmasp), 3, 12, 18–20, 25, 28–29, 61, 67–111, 116–18, 126, 144–45, 160, 162, 212, 217–18, 220, 256n2, 262n86, 264n110, 265n13; folios, 19, 66, 68, 92, 93, 95,

97, 101; as most famous gift, 28;

symbolism as gift, 111. See also Tahmasp, Shah

shahs, and sultans, gifts exchanged

between, 1–3, 15, 23, 25, 27, 65, 216

Shaikh Lutf-Allah Mosque, Isfahan, 190, 191, 277n32, 278n41, 279n43

Sherley, Anthony, ambassador, 198

Sherley, Robert, 199

Shiʾism, 6, 41, 73, 186–90, 192–94,

261n56; Persianization of, 190, 278n40; and prophets, 243n4;

Twelver, 4–5, 28, 35–36, 56, 72–74, 92, 94, 186, 188, 190, 192, 194, 205, 243–44n4, 257n16, 260n56, 278n41.

See also Sunnism

Shirvan, 145, 160, 163, 169, 280n59

Short Narrative of the Life and Acts

of the King Ussun Cassano, A (Angiolello), 31, 248n16

shrines, 12, 41, 49, 55, 72–74, 108, 186–88, 192, 273n45, 274n57, 279nn45–46, 280n53, 281n62

silk: as commodity, 3, 177; as diplomatic gifts, 195, 200–207, 281–82n76;

and economic competition, 197; as most promoted and desired gift, 29; network, 198–99; ormesini, 263n93; production of, 194–200, 273n46, 280n57, 280–81n59; trade routes for, 281n68; as tribute gift, 206

Simmel, Georg, 247n61

Sinan Pasha, 152, 158, 178

Sokollu Mehmed Pasha, Grand Vizier, 78–81, 108–9, 256n6, 260n43

Sophì, Signor. See Ismaʾil, Shah

Soranzo, Giacomo, 13, 80–81, 87, 98, 100, 108–9, 229, 259n39, 261n68

sovereignty, 1–2, 35, 41, 116, 145–47,

150, 182, 267n50

speech acts, 256n5

subjugation, 39, 60, 132, 143, 156, 164, 179

Sulaimānnāma. See Süleymānnāme

(ʾĀrifī)

Süleymaniye Mosque, Istanbul, 6, 73, 76, 77, 79, 86, 96, 186–87, 257n13

Süleymānnāme (ʾĀrifī), 112, 118–22, 119, 122, 126, 265n13, 266n35

Süleyman the Magnificent, Sultan, 49, 60–61, 64–65, 72–75, 76, 81, 96–98, 112, 116, 122, 123–24, 124, 171, 255n106, 257n13, 262n89, 264n117, 266n35; accession and enthronement of, 60, 64, 171; as caliph, and Islamic law, 5; as charismatic, 265n16; death of, 109, 123, 257n27; and ecumenical vision of Islam, 73; gifts received, 1–3, 118–22, 160; as imam or messiah, 5, 265n15; and justice, 106, 197; as King of Kings, 106; and peace, 123, 163, 193, 200, 207, 266n30; and power of imperial state machine, 265–66n16; and war, 72, 74, 189

Sultan Muhammad, 66

sultans: as kings of the world, 29, 111, 113–47, 163; kissing hand of, 272n36, 274n56; and leadership of Muslims, 186; and shahs, gifts exchanged between, 1–3, 15, 23, 25, 27, 65, 216; variety of roles assumed by, 123

Sultan Selim Mosque, 79

Sunnism, 4, 74, 146, 186, 189, 193, 248n9, 250n39, 279n46. See also Shiʾism

surẖser. See qizilbash or ḳızılbāş (redheads)

Sūrnāme- i Hümāyūn, 145, 265n10 swords, 13, 25, 31, 44, 56, 80, 102, 106, 133, 204, 206, 214, 253n79, 267n50

Tabriz, 33, 60–61, 90, 163, 166, 181, 185–86, 190, 200–201, 207, 216, 222, 248n16; as capital, 263n108; and silk, as hub of production and trade, 280n55

Tacizade Cafer Çelebi, 253n71 Tahmasp, Shah, 12, 67–75, 77–78, 89–91, 94, 100, 101, 112, 124–32, 134– 37, 140, 152, 169, 182–84, 188–89, 257n17, 257n27, 263n92, 264n117, 273n45, 279n50, 282n89; accession and enthronement of, 15, 161; birth city, 182; capital, 263n108; death of, 162, 278n39; gifts from, 1–3, 69–72, 75, 77–78, 80–81, 86–87, 98, 100,

105, 109, 118–22, 125–26, 128–35, 135, 144, 152, 160–63, 176–79, 183–84, 217, 229–30, 268n63; letter to Selim, 105–11; and peace, 77, 162–63, 193, 200, 207; and prayers, 278n34; renouncement of arts, 262n74;

and Shiʾism, 73–74, 257n16; and slavery, 279n50; and Twelver Shiʾi principles as state religion, 4–5. See also Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp (Tahmasp)

Tāj al-Dīn Ḥasan Khalīfa, 255n108

tāj or tāj- i Haydarī (Safavid headpiece), 42–44, 62, 86, 91, 156

Talikizade, 181, 190, 275n10

Tassini, Giuseppe, 263n93

tefarik herb (Pogostemon patchouli), 283n93

Teixeira, Pedro, 247n55

tents, 3, 14, 28, 65, 78, 86, 98, 100, 105, 118, 133–35, 145, 161–63, 171, 179, 184, 207, 218, 220, 254n93

Tetimme- i Aḥvāl- i Sulṭān Süleymān Ḫān. See Ẓafernāme (Loḳmān) textiles, 6–7, 14, 20, 25, 49–50, 52, 62, 64, 106, 122, 143–45, 162–63, 178, 184, 198, 201, 203, 212, 214, 247n59; Persian, 126, 143–44, 176, 180 theologians, 73, 190, 278nn39–40 Topkapı Palace, Istanbul, 113, 115–16, 128, 137, 165, 174, 185, 202–3, 214, 218, 256n4; Chamber of Petitions, 120, 120, 142, 159, 164, 173, 173, 206; Gate of Felicity, 142, 144, 158–59, 159, 173, 272n19; Gate of Salutation (Middle Gate), 157, 158; Imperial Council Hall and Tower of Justice, 84, 157– 58, 159, 173; Imperial Gate, 157, 158, 179; Imperial Treasury, 221, 222;

Inner Treasury, 283n6; Museum, 20, 23, 33, 87, 216, 221–22, 239, 277n25, 283n6

trade: and centralized state, 194; and diplomacy, 177, 195; and economics, 108; and gifts, 177–78; and globalized economy, 29; maritime, 108; and pilgrimage routes, 108; and religious ideology, 108

transaction: and commerce, 200;

and diplomacy, 29, 176–216; and

largesse, 212

Treaty of Nasuh Pasha (1612), 200–201

tribute processions: Ionian delegation, 114; Mede delegation, 115

tributes, gifts as, 14, 126, 127, 136, 140,

204, 206, 219–20

Tsars and the East, The (exhibition), 17

Ṭuqmāq Khān, ambassador/envoy, 128, 130– 31, 134

turban ornament (jīqa or jigha), 100, 217

Twelve Imams, 4, 12, 186–93, 243n4

Two Mashhads (Najaf and Karbala), 73, 186

Ushak carpet, Turkey, 16th century, 9

Van Dyck, Anthony, 199

Veli Agha, 150, 165

Venier, Marco, ambassador, 180, 235

visual polarization, in Ottoman and

Safavid court culture, 6–7 vitrine, displaying belt, armband, and

pot associated with Shah Ismaʾil, 222

walrus tusks, 51, 52, 252n64 war/warfare: and gifts, 2; holy, 72,

244n9, 248n10; Islamic empires in, 72–77. See also Ottoman-Safavid

wars

weapons, 48, 61, 64–65, 78, 114, 141, 194, 198, 200, 258n34. See also bows and arrows; firearms; swords

Yāqūt, 106

Yazd, 40, 144, 247n55

Yıldırım. See Bayezid II, Sultan

Yunus Beg, ambassador, 46–47

Ẓafernāme (Loḳmān), 123–28, 124, 141, 144, 266–67n36

Zahhak, 55

Zāʾīm, Meḥmed, 268n61

Zen, Piero, ambassador, 65, 255n110

ziyarat, 192–93

Zübdetü’t- Tevārīḫ (Loḳmān), 133, 268n63, 272n29

Zulfaqar Khan, ambassador, 179– 82, 274n2, 275–76n14, 274n2, 276nn17–18

326

Index